Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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participant in the event in question. Categorical statements are quite the opposite: they identify an individual and then attribute a property to that individual—note that the semantic content of the state of affairs described by a categorical statement can be the same as that described by a thetic statement, but the two statements will usually differ syntactically. In syntactic terms, at least according to Basilico’s proposal, this amounts to the fact that in a categorical statement “the subject of an adjectival SC occupies a distinct topic position,” whereas, the subject of a verbal SC in a thetic statement “does not form a topic” (Basilico 2003, 8). Clearly the use of topicalized nouns in conjunction with the Akkadian HIRC can be equated with the adjectival SC in contrast to the absence of topicalized nouns in the verbal SC found in the Sumerian HIRC. Other factors such as the use of Sumerian HIRCs to form the complement of verbs of direct perception also favor interpreting it as a verbal SC. While topicality and/or definiteness can be difficult to evaluate in the text-artifactual record, the ability of a relative clause to act as the complement of a verb of direct perception should be readily identifiable. Min-Joo Kim, for example, has noted the nearly identical form of HIRCs and direct perception complements [DPCs] in Korean (M. Kim 2003, 2): 257
(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-nun kes]-ul cap-ess-ta PN-Top thief-Nom run.away-Rel.Imprf KES-Acc catch-Past-Decl John caught a/the thief running away (56) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-nun kes]-ul po-ess-ta PN-Top thief-Nom run.away-Rel.Imprf KES-Acc see-Past-Decl John saw the event of a/the thief running away In (55), the HIRC consists of [[totwuk-i tomangka]-nun kes], “a/the thief running away,” and corresponds precisely with the direct perception complement in (56). Kim notes that these two constructions, the HIRC and the DPC, can be differentiated from other, similar constructions such as propositional attitude verbs like “know” or “believe” on the basis of syntactic tests in Korean. The contrast between HIRC + DPC and propositional attitude verbs seems to be represented in Sumerian by the opposition between BNBV inal predicates and non-BNBV inal predicates; if so, these oppositions can be tabulated as follows (neither of the two examples of bi 2.in.zu that I am aware of [Letter of Shulgi to Aradmu about Apillasha (3.1.02), line 30, and Proverbs Collection 7 [6.1.07], section C, line 21] is a BNBV inal predicate): 258
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
Page 223 and 224: 3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
Page 225 and 226: In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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Page 231 and 232: of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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Page 235 and 236: line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
Page 237 and 238: 349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
Page 239 and 240: 182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
Page 241 and 242: The curious word-order in line 146
Page 243 and 244: 105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
Page 245 and 246: (29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
Page 247 and 248: similar to the previous examples of
Page 249 and 250: (33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
Page 251 and 252: 55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
Page 253 and 254: Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Page 259 and 260: If we are to pick apart the subtle
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Page 263 and 264: Definite noun phrases such as “my
Page 265 and 266: . kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
Page 267 and 268: . larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
Page 269 and 270: topicalized, the following example
Page 271 and 272: . when there is more than one gover
Page 273: The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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Page 281 and 282: epeating the presupposition of the
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Page 285 and 286: 4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
Page 287 and 288: In the first of my examples of focu
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Page 291 and 292: 62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
Page 293 and 294: 117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
Page 295 and 296: Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
Page 297 and 298: 245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
Page 299 and 300: ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
Page 301 and 302: (22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
Page 303 and 304: 4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
Page 305 and 306: 11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
Page 307 and 308: following a word that ends in /n/ i
Page 309 and 310: 408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
Page 311 and 312: and made the subject of a lengthy
Page 313 and 314: It is interesting that the construc
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Page 317 and 318: (32) María se fué con nada Maria
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
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Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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