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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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Clearly, however, by the time Akkadian appears in the text-artifactual record, it has<br />

largely been assimilated to the familiar form of head-external relative clause that we find<br />

in English and other dependent-marking languages.<br />

With the foregoing discussion of the head-internal relative in Akkadian still in mind,<br />

I return to the *mini-√ construction. If the *bi-√ prefix in its existential (NOUN-e<br />

NOUN Bare bi-√) configuration indicates that the bare noun that immediately precedes the<br />

*bi-√ prefix is an indefinite noun in a definiteness effect environment, then verbs of the<br />

form *mini-√ can be interpreted as a head-internal relative (bi-√) that has been made<br />

definite through the suffixation of the third person animate possessive pronoun, namely<br />

*-ni, so as to form a topicalized phrase. Note, therefore, the several differences between<br />

the Akkadian HIRC and the Sumerian one: (a) the Akkadian HIRC can occur with a<br />

distinct, topicalized noun that is coreferential with the head of the HIRC, but the<br />

Sumerian HIRC cannot; (b) if the Sumerian HIRC needs to be topicalized or made<br />

definite for some other reason, the HIRC itself is made definite through the addition of<br />

the third person animate possessive pronoun, *-ni. At a fairly rough level of granularity,<br />

this allows us to draw a parallel between the HIRC in Akkadian and Sumerian due to the<br />

fact that, in both cases, topicalization plays a central role in the formation of HIRCs that<br />

are definite.<br />

(53) a. Ø b®t e¢pußu // igi bi.in.du 8<br />

b. (b®tum) ßa e¢pußu // igi mi.ni.in.du 8<br />

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