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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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1.1 Directive case and the oblique object hypothesis<br />

Sumerian morphosyntax has traditionally been thought of in terms of agreement between<br />

nominal case-endings or postpositions and elements of the verbal prefix with relatively<br />

little consideration of any kind of external evidence or motivation for such agreement<br />

besides the phonological form of the agreeing elements themselves. The paradigms<br />

generated by this traditional practice have been subjected to increasingly sophisticated<br />

elucidation and testing in recent years, but the basic premise remains unchanged. In<br />

particular, models in which subcategorization of the verb replaces verbal agreement as in<br />

the head-marking, head-final type have not, as a rule, been investigated in any detail.<br />

Therefore I use the word agreement in the following account in a pretheoretical sense to<br />

mean simply regular co-occurrence without taking any position as to whether it is true<br />

agreement or subcategorization of the verb with a corresponding nominal. Regardless of<br />

theoretical presuppositions, an interesting contrast can be drawn between the two case-<br />

marking subsystems that involve agreement with dative and locative case-marked nouns:<br />

the indirect object [IO] subsystem as opposed to the oblique object [OO] subsystem. In<br />

the following account I attempt to follow the model of directive case-marking and OO<br />

proposed by Zólyomi (1999) without attempting to take into consideration differences<br />

between Zólyomi’s work and that of Jagersma, which is largely unpublished. The views<br />

adhered to by Zólyomi and Jagersma both reflect a line of thought that begins with work<br />

by Krecher (1985). I would also like to emphasize that the morphological segmentations<br />

in this section attempt to represent the hypothesis advanced in recent years by Zólyomi<br />

and Jagersma—they do not represent my own understanding of Sumerian morphological<br />

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