Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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The same three variations under negation also yield an interesting result: it is only the part of the sentence that has focal intonation that is negated, the rest of the sentence remains in force. The import of the negation of a particular focal constituent is often best highlighted through the use of a subsequent contrastive sentence. (14) a. Mary didn’t PUNCH the mayor on Wilshire Boulevard; (she BIT him) b. Mary didn’t punch THE MAYOR on Wilshire Boulevard; (she punched THE GOVERNOR) c. Mary didn’t punch the mayor ON WILSHIRE BOULEVARD, (she punched him IN A CAB COMING FROM THE AIRPORT) The point is that focal intonation dramatically changes not only the pragmatic appropriateness of a particular utterance, but also the truth conditions and hence the semantics of any particular assertion. The traditional view holds that the part of a sentence that is not focused is presuppositional just as “her husband” is presuppositional in “her husband is a fool.” This is basically correct in the vast majority of cases. (15) a. Her husband is not A FOOL. b. Mary didn’t punch the mayor ON WILSHIRE BOULEVARD. 207
In both (15a) and (15b), the focused part of the sentence is negated, but the presupposed part of the sentence is not: thus, even if (15a) and (15b) are true, someone in (15a) still has a husband, and Mary will still likely go to jail for assault in (15b). But specialists in semantics have actually expended quite a bit of energy attempting to differentiate focal presuppositions as in (15) from the logical presupposition involved in some of the examples at the beginning of the chapter such as (2), repeated below as (16). (16) a. I don’t regret leaving London. b. I left London. The sentence in (16b) would only be a focal presupposition if the focus structure in (16a) were as in (17a) below. (17) a. I don’t REGRET leaving London. b. I don’t regret LEAVING LONDON. The example in (17a) carries the implication that there is some other emotion that the speaker feels toward his or her departure from London, which is not the case in (16a), where the somewhat artificial omission of focal intonation forces the reader to fall back on other interpretive principles such as the factive character of “regret” (Kiparsky and Kiparsky 1970). The contrastive focus in (17b) explicitly excludes (16b) as presupposition. Clearly focus introduces an orthogonal dimension to questions of 208
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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Page 175 and 176: 2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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Page 179 and 180: In (67), I present the two-part der
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Page 185 and 186: 248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
Page 187 and 188: Since it is an achievement predicat
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Page 191 and 192: (81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
Page 193 and 194: 2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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Page 209 and 210: 3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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Page 213 and 214: 3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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Page 217 and 218: In the case of an existential sente
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Page 237 and 238: 349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
Page 239 and 240: 182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
Page 241 and 242: The curious word-order in line 146
Page 243 and 244: 105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
Page 245 and 246: (29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
Page 247 and 248: similar to the previous examples of
Page 249 and 250: (33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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Page 253 and 254: Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Page 259 and 260: If we are to pick apart the subtle
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Page 265 and 266: . kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
Page 267 and 268: . larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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Page 271 and 272: . when there is more than one gover
Page 273 and 274: The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
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Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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