Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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––––––. 1987. Morphemeless Syntax in Sumerian as Seen on the Background of Word-Composition in Chukchee. Acta Sumerologica 9: 67-88. ––––––. 1993. The Suffix of Determination -/a/. Acta Sumerologica 15: 81-98. ––––––. 1994. Über einige ‘zusamengesetzte Verben’ im Sumerischen. In A. F. Rainey, ed., kinattu¢tu ßa da¢râti: Raphael Kutsche Memorial Volume, pp. 107-118. Tel Aviv University Institute of Archaeology. ––––––. 1995. Die marû-Formen des sumerischen Verbums. In M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, eds., Vom Alten Orient zum Alten Testament: Festschrift für Wolfram Freiherrn von Soden zum 85. Geburtstag am 19. Juni 1993, pp. 141-200. Krifka, Manfred. 1989. Nominalreferenz und Zeitkonstitution: Zur Semantik von Massentermen, Individualtermen, Aspektklassen. München. Kubo. Miori. 1992. Japanese Passives. Working Papers of the Department of Languages and Cultures 23. University of Hokkaido. Kuno, Susumo. 1971. The position of locatives in existential sentences. Linguistic Inquiry 11: 333-378. Landau, Idan. 1999. Possessor raising and the structure of the VP. Lingua 107: 1-37. Larson, Richard. 1988. On the Double Object Construction. Linguistic Inquiry 19(3): 335-391. ––––––. <strong>2004</strong>. Sentence-final adverbs and “scope”. In M. Wolf and K. Moulton (eds.), Proceedings of NELS 34. UMASS: GLSA. Lee, Benjamin. 1997. Talking Heads: Language, Metalanguage, and the Semiotics of Subjectivity. Durham: Duke University Press. Levinson, Bernard. 1997. Deuteronomy and the Hermeneutics of Legal Innovation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Li, Charles, and Sandra Thompson. 1981. Mandarin Chinese: A Functional Reference Grammar. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lipinski, Edward. 2001. Semitic languages: Outline of a comparative grammar, second edition. Leuven: Peeters. 341
Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Mood, and the Negative forms: Towards a History of the Formation of Middle Egyptian Syntactic Paradigms. In Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Egyptian Linguistics (Crossroads II). LingAeg 1: 201-226. ––––––. 1995. Ancient Egyptian: A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge University Press. Ludwig, Marie-Christine. 1990. Untersuchungen zu den Hymnen des Ißme-Dagan von Isin. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Lumsden, Michael. 1988. Existential Sentences: Their Structure and Meaning. Beckenham: Croom Helm. Lyons, Christopher. 1999. Definiteness. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lyons, John. 1967. A note on possessive, existential, and locative sentences. Foundations of Language 3: 390-396. ––––––. 1968. Existence, location, possession, and transitivity. In B. van Rootselaar and T. F. Staal, eds., Logic, Methodology, and Philosophy of Science 3, pp. 495-509. Marantz, Alec. 1998. No Escape from Syntax: Don’t Try Morphological Analysis in the Privacy of Your Own Lexicon. In Alexis Dimitriadis, ed., Proceedings of the 1998 Penn Linguistic Colloquium. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 4(2): 201-224. McNally, Louise. 1992. An interpretation for the English existential construction. PhD dissertation, University of California, Santa Cruz. Michalowski, Piotr. 1980a. Sumerian as an Ergative Language I. Journal of Cuneiform Studies 32: 86-103. ––––––. 1980b. Adapa and the Ritual Process. Pocznik Orientalistyczny 41: 77-82. ––––––. 1989. The Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur. Mesopotamian Civilizations 1. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. ––––––. 1993. The Torch and the Censer. In M. Cohen et al., eds., The Tablet and the Scroll: Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William W. Hallo. Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press. 342
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Definite noun phrases such as “my
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. kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
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. larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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topicalized, the following example
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. when there is more than one gover
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The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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Page 331 and 332: 5 Possession, animacy and the rise
Page 333 and 334: understood as a single component of
Page 335 and 336: increasingly specific) models of th
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Page 339 and 340: C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
Page 341 and 342: Here in the realm of participial co
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Page 345 and 346: instrumentality. In other words, th
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Page 351 and 352: Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354: Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
Page 355 and 356: Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
Page 357: Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
Page 361 and 362: Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
Page 363 and 364: ------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
Page 365 and 366: ------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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