Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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(39) a. [[Joe wowapi wa owa] ki] wac‘i Joe book Indef wrote Def want-1Sg I want the book that Joe wrote b. [[… √ bi] ni] … Indef Def The difficulty, however, lies in discovering how definiteness plays out in the grammar of Sumerian, particularly in terms of topic and focus. The role of definiteness in the matter of *bi-√ and *mini-√ remains somewhat unclear, primarily because definiteness in Sumerian has not yet been differentiated from specificity and it seems to be very much tied up with the pragmatic opposition between topic and focus. 33 If the *mini-√ hypothesis proposed above is valid, then verbs of the form *mini-√ are formally identical to the possessive pronoun topicalization constructions mentioned earlier. (40) a. ama.ni < ama + ni (3Poss) As for his mother, she . . . b. igi mi.ni.in.du 8 < igi √du 8-bi 2 + ni (3Poss) + n (AnimAgr) As for the one who has seen . . ., he/she . . . 33 The shades or ghosts mentioned in example (43) below, however, are specific indefinites, which suggests that definiteness rather than specificity is the criterion at work in Sumerian. 241
If we are to pick apart the subtle differences between bi 2.in.du 8, im.mi.in.du 8 and mi.ni.in.du 8 (leaving aside the “negative” form in mu.ni.in.du 8), a more detailed understanding the definiteness effect and its interaction with focus constructions is clearly in order. 242
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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Page 209 and 210: 3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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Page 213 and 214: 3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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Page 217 and 218: In the case of an existential sente
Page 219 and 220: verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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Page 223 and 224: 3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
Page 225 and 226: In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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Page 237 and 238: 349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
Page 239 and 240: 182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
Page 241 and 242: The curious word-order in line 146
Page 243 and 244: 105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
Page 245 and 246: (29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
Page 247 and 248: similar to the previous examples of
Page 249 and 250: (33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
Page 251 and 252: 55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
Page 253 and 254: Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Page 257: (38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
Page 261 and 262: which refer to permanent properties
Page 263 and 264: Definite noun phrases such as “my
Page 265 and 266: . kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
Page 267 and 268: . larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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Page 271 and 272: . when there is more than one gover
Page 273 and 274: The contrast in (53), therefore, is
Page 275 and 276: (55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
Page 277 and 278: These distinctions can also provide
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Page 281 and 282: epeating the presupposition of the
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Page 285 and 286: 4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
Page 287 and 288: In the first of my examples of focu
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Page 291 and 292: 62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
Page 293 and 294: 117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
Page 295 and 296: Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
Page 297 and 298: 245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
Page 299 and 300: ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
Page 301 and 302: (22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
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Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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