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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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Section 3.1 starts out with a brief definition of presupposition and juxtaposes it to<br />

entailment. The rest of the section notes the use of existential verb constructions to code<br />

indefiniteness in certain languages and argues that the same mechanism also operates in<br />

Sumerian. In the following section, section 3.2, a basic opposition is drawn between<br />

presupposition and focus, where the part of a sentence that is not under focus—namely<br />

the presupposition—remains true under negation in contrast to the focused constituent<br />

which is the only element that is negated. Section 3.3 looks at topicalized *bi-√ prefix<br />

verbs as represented by the form *mini-√: these are, I argue, to be interpreted as<br />

indefinite relative constructions that have been topicalized (and also made definite)<br />

through the addition of the third person animate possessive pronoun, *-ni. In other<br />

languages that make use of head-internal relative constructions, the head noun of the<br />

relative clause must be indefinite, but the clause itself can then be made definite as a unit;<br />

indefinite relatives in *bi-√ seem to conform to the pattern quite closely. Section 3.4<br />

defines the definiteness effect in some detail and section 3.5 returns to the question of<br />

head-internal relative constructions in Sumerian. Recent work on head-internal relative<br />

constructions in Korean, Japanese and other typologically similar languages has<br />

suggested that head-internal relative constructions regularly constitute definiteness effect<br />

environments, so section 3.5 also considers whether the same holds true in Sumerian.<br />

195

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