Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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within set A was simply replaced by the corresponding member of set B, yielding the attested form of set C. This seems to be demonstrated fairly well by the “aberrant” paradigms to be found in the OBGT materials cited by Woods (2001, 137). The early grammaticalization of *-be would also provide some explanation of the fact that *-be never exhibits the full or stressed form, **-ben, in the text-artifactual record (Woods 2001, 179). 205
3.2 Focus and focal presupposition Before turning to topic-marking constructions that involve the *bi-√ prefix, it is probably best to devote a few pages to focal presupposition. Just as negation plays a critical role in differentiating presupposition and entailment, it can also serve as a useful context for the elucidation of focus and focal presupposition. Take, for example, a relatively simple set of three variations on the same sentence in which the focal intonation (as indicated by capital letters) occurs on a different constituent in each variant. (12) a. Mary PUNCHED the mayor on Wilshire Boulevard. b. Mary punched THE MAYOR on Wilshire Boulevard. c. Mary punched the mayor ON WILSHIRE BOULEVARD. Each of these three intonational variants serve as the response to three distinct wh- questions. 27 (13) a. What did Mary do to the mayor on Wilshire Boulevard? b. Who did Mary punch on Wilshire Boulevard? c. Where did Mary punch the mayor? 27 The three intonational variants in (12) also have explicit syntactic variants that make use of the cleft (“It is the mayor that . . .”) and pseudo-cleft (“What Mary did was . . .”) constructions, but in the interest of brevity I have not gone into the matter here. See below in section 4.6 for a discussion of the difference between informational focus (typically coded through intonation) and identificational focus (usually coded by some kind of movement or morphosyntactic configuation). 206
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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Page 173 and 174: (61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
Page 175 and 176: 2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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Page 179 and 180: In (67), I present the two-part der
Page 181 and 182: internal relative clauses such as t
Page 183 and 184: gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
Page 185 and 186: 248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
Page 187 and 188: Since it is an achievement predicat
Page 189 and 190: 10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
Page 191 and 192: (81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
Page 193 and 194: 2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
Page 195 and 196: than indicating the location or adv
Page 197 and 198: (90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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Page 201 and 202: (98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
Page 203 and 204: constituents, which happens to corr
Page 205 and 206: 2.7 The link between the BNBV const
Page 207 and 208: (103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
Page 209 and 210: 3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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Page 213 and 214: 3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
Page 215 and 216: The easiest way of differentiating
Page 217 and 218: In the case of an existential sente
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Page 221: demonstrative reference, whereas th
Page 225 and 226: In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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Page 229 and 230: similar structures in other languag
Page 231 and 232: of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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Page 237 and 238: 349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
Page 239 and 240: 182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
Page 241 and 242: The curious word-order in line 146
Page 243 and 244: 105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
Page 245 and 246: (29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
Page 247 and 248: similar to the previous examples of
Page 249 and 250: (33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
Page 251 and 252: 55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
Page 253 and 254: Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
Page 255 and 256: Although the omission of the nomina
Page 257 and 258: (38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
Page 259 and 260: If we are to pick apart the subtle
Page 261 and 262: which refer to permanent properties
Page 263 and 264: Definite noun phrases such as “my
Page 265 and 266: . kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
Page 267 and 268: . larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
Page 269 and 270: topicalized, the following example
Page 271 and 272: . when there is more than one gover
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The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
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Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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