Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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(31) Ur Lament, l. 407 u 4.de 3 u 4 kalam.ma u 2.gu bi 2.ib.de 2.a.re The storm that causes the light of the land to disappear, The storm (u 4) can, therefore, be thought of as an utter darkness, whereas the light of the land (as made clear by lines 409-410) is to be equated with Nanna, the moon-god. The series of lines that end in *-re all seem to refer to the storm and the use of the demonstrative *-re indicates the hope of those singing the lament that the storm will no longer be visible in future. Clearly this use of *-re inverts the standard trope in which the entities destroyed by the storm bear the *-re demonstrative. The inversion reaches its culmination in line 410 and my reconstruction of the line without any possessive pronoun on igi completes the contrast between the no longer visible storm and—as a direct consequence of the disappearance of the storm—the visibility of Nanna, the moon-god, in a clear, nighttime sky: uœ 3 saœ.gi 6.zu u 4…re igi nam bi 2.ib 2.du 8 “As for your black- headed people, it is not THE STORM (u 4) that they will see, (but rather YOU, NANNA, THE MOON-GOD, that they will see).” Hence the addition of the second person possessive pronoun to igi to form igi.zu in some of the witnesses is apparently an attempt to indicate the meaning of the passage in a more direct fashion than the use of the contrast implicit in the negative contrastive focus construction. Although this phenomenon can be thought of as a form of evidentiality (Chafe and Nichols 1986), the contexts in which *-re occurs point to a more specific “problem,” if you will, that the use of *-re solves: there is a fundamental difference between verbs such 297
as “to look at,” which need not specify an object of perception and are regularly agentive, and verbs such as “to see,” which must occur with a perceived object and are regularly non-agentive. Whereas a statement like “Mary is looking at nothing” can be interpreted to mean that Mary is looking at an entity that happens to be empty space, when “to look at” is replaced by “to see,” this is no longer the case. But the use of the demonstrative *-re seems to allow for the direct perception of an entity that is no longer visible even when it occurs with the verb that means “to see” in Sumerian. 298
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Page 265 and 266: . kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
Page 267 and 268: . larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
Page 269 and 270: topicalized, the following example
Page 271 and 272: . when there is more than one gover
Page 273 and 274: The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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Page 277 and 278: These distinctions can also provide
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Page 281 and 282: epeating the presupposition of the
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Page 285 and 286: 4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
Page 287 and 288: In the first of my examples of focu
Page 289 and 290: indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
Page 291 and 292: 62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
Page 293 and 294: 117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
Page 295 and 296: Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
Page 297 and 298: 245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
Page 299 and 300: ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
Page 301 and 302: (22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
Page 303 and 304: 4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
Page 305 and 306: 11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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Page 309 and 310: 408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
Page 311 and 312: and made the subject of a lengthy
Page 313: It is interesting that the construc
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Page 319 and 320: applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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Page 325 and 326: (41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
Page 327 and 328: ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
Page 329 and 330: (“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
Page 331 and 332: 5 Possession, animacy and the rise
Page 333 and 334: understood as a single component of
Page 335 and 336: increasingly specific) models of th
Page 337 and 338: diachronic origins (as opposed to t
Page 339 and 340: C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
Page 341 and 342: Here in the realm of participial co
Page 343 and 344: straightforward: the perception beg
Page 345 and 346: instrumentality. In other words, th
Page 347 and 348: causative environment described by
Page 349 and 350: work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
Page 351 and 352: Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354: Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
Page 355 and 356: Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
Page 357 and 358: Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
Page 359 and 360: Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
Page 361 and 362: Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
Page 363 and 364: ------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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