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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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topicalized, the following example lacks both the topicalized, external “head” as well as<br />

the demonstrative/relative ßa: the bare noun b®t has become the head of the HIRC.<br />

(50) [ DP [ Topic Ø] [ Focus b®t e¢puß-u]] imqut<br />

Ø house do.1Sg.Perf-Subord fall.3Sg.Perf<br />

A/the house I built collapsed<br />

Since there is no topicalized noun within the determiner phrase (DP) in (50), there is<br />

likewise no reason for a resumptive pronoun like ßa; the internal head of the relative<br />

clause is b®t and in the absence of a topicalized noun, the expression need not be in focus.<br />

In semantic terms, the HIRC works in Akkadian by setting up an existentially<br />

quantified noun (“There is an x such that . . .”) and then identifying the existentially<br />

quantified noun (the internal head of the relative) with some other noun that is prominent<br />

in the discourse, typically a topic. Thus b®tum ßa e¢pußu might be translated into English<br />

so as to capture the quantification involved as follows:<br />

(51) As for the house (b®tum), it is something that I made (ßa e¢pußu).<br />

The reason for the use of the existential construction (and the consequent definiteness<br />

effect) is that in the absence of explicit quantization such as a cardinal number or plural<br />

morphology, an existentially quantified noun refers to a single entity. Such an entity can<br />

then be identified, or better equated, with another single entity. Since the head-internal<br />

252

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