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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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separately on the basis of whether or not the single nominal argument of an intransitive<br />

predicate is analogous to the agent of a transitive predicate as in (1a) or patient as in (1c):<br />

agentive [+ agentive] predicates are often termed “unergative” on the basis of parallels<br />

with the distinctive case-marking that is used to mark agents in ergative languages,<br />

whereas patientive [– agentive] predicates are known as “unaccusatives” since their<br />

single nominal argument is analogous to the distinctive case-marking used to indicate the<br />

patient of a transitive predicate in accusative languages. In terms of lexical aspect,<br />

unaccusatives are often quite similar to telic transitive predicates, while unergatives often<br />

pattern along the lines of transitive predicates that lack telicity.<br />

Rothstein, whose most recent work (<strong>2004</strong>) seems to represent a high point in recent<br />

studies of lexical aspect describes these aspectual oppositions (excluding the ± agentive<br />

feature) in terms of just two properties in the following table (after Rothstein <strong>2004</strong>, 192,<br />

ex. 1).<br />

[± stages]<br />

[± telic]<br />

= occurs in progressive = naturally heads telic VP<br />

States – –<br />

Activities + –<br />

Achievements – +<br />

Accomplishments + +<br />

On the one hand, therefore, activities and accomplishments have internal duration and<br />

extend in time, whereas states and achievements do not, while on the other hand,<br />

achievements and accomplishments have a natural endpoint, whereas states and activities<br />

do not.<br />

100

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