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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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context available in these three passages) is not available. 23 Since the standard models of<br />

agreement do not work particularly well when it comes to *bi-√ prefix predicates, I will<br />

not hazard a guess (at least at this point) as to what phenomenon underlies the pervasive<br />

use of *-n- in these constructions. Nonetheless, the invariance of *-n- in the achievements<br />

does conforms quite well to Rothstein’s characterization of achievements as non-agentive<br />

(Rothstein <strong>2004</strong>, 138, ex. 38), since one might expect an agentive verbal form to vary in<br />

pronominal agreement according to grammatical aspect, as is regularly postulated for<br />

Sumerian agreement patterns in general.<br />

(57) a. Mary reached the summit of the mountain unconscious and on a stretcher.<br />

b. The supplies reached the summit of the mountain by helicopter.<br />

As these two examples makes clear, the theme of an achievement need not show any<br />

agentivity whatsoever. This fits well with the fact that BNBV inal predicates are<br />

achievements in that the theme of BNBV inal predicates is the nominal component of the<br />

compound verb, while the ergative case-marked nominal is its inalienable possessor,<br />

rather than its ergative agent. As I argued at the end of chapter 1, the ergative case-<br />

marking in BNBV inal constructions indicates that the ergative case-marked nominal is the<br />

inalienable possessor of the body-part noun that forms the nominal component of the<br />

23 There is also a slim possibility that the constructions in question are intransitive and do not take inim gal d inanna as<br />

an argument, even though the typically causative semantics of *bi-√ prefix verbs would generally suggest the transitive<br />

interpretation. If, for whatever reason, the construction is intransitive, the opposition between “an ergative, animate<br />

*-n- in the perfective and accusative, inanimate *-b- in the imperfective” would no longer be valid as stated, but the<br />

contrast between invariant *-n- in the achievements as opposed to the variation in the corresponding activity predicates<br />

supports a transitive, indeed causative, interpretation of the constructions in question.<br />

152

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