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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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3.5 Head-internal relatives revisited<br />

Now that topic, focus, and the definiteness effect have been outlined in a preliminary<br />

way, I would like to return to my earlier discussion of head-internal relatives in Sumerian<br />

and Akkadian. When last we saw the Akkadian HIRC at the end of section 3.3, I had<br />

argued that b®tum in the following example was topicalized and that it was then resumed<br />

by the demonstrative relative marker ßa, which I take as the true head of the relative<br />

clause in this Akkadian example.<br />

(49) [ DP [ Topic b®t-um] [ Focusßa e¢puß-u]] imqut<br />

house-Def Rel do.1Sg.Perf-Subord fall.3Sg.Perf<br />

As for the house, namely the one that I built, it collapsed<br />

One of the most interesting features of HIRCs is the fact that they are definiteness effect<br />

environments. A skeptic might point out that the presence of the demonstrative/relative,<br />

ßa, as the head of the relative clause, ßa e¢pußu, would seem to militate against it as a<br />

definiteness effect environment since demonstratives are necessarily definite and definite<br />

noun phrases are regularly excluded from such environments, but we should remember<br />

that definite nouns can occur in such environments when they are focused. The “topic +<br />

focus” model of the relative clause that I have sketched in (49) would regularly provide<br />

the head noun with focus as long as it is preceded by a coreferential topic. Unlike the<br />

sentence in (49), where the topicalized noun phrase, b®tum, must be definite in order to be<br />

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