Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

epeating the presupposition of the wh-question. The only evidence that œa 2.e is in focus
is that it immediately precedes the verb rather than appearing in its usual position at the
beginning of the clause. In (2), interestingly enough, a haruspex is having a conversation
with a cow:
(2) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8.2.4], ll. 175-177
(The haruspex asks:)
175. ab 2 i 3.zu a.ba.a i 3.gu 7.e ga.zu Cow, as for your butter, who will eat it?
a.ba.a i 3.na 8.na 8
(The cow responds:)
176. i 3.œu 10 i 3.gu 7.e d nisaba.ke 4
177. [ga].œu 10 i 3.na 8.na 8 d nisaba.ke 4
264
As for your milk, who will drink it?
As for my butter, it will be eaten by Nisaba,
As for my milk, it will be drunk by Nisaba,
The example in (2) is particularly interesting in that the response to the wh-question
actually follows the verbal predicate, a nearly unique phenomenon in Sumerian grammar.
But as in example (2), the phrase in focus occurs as close as possible to the end of the
clause. In example (3), the contrastive use is particularly clear.
(3) The Tale of Gudam, segment C [1.3.4], ll. 10-11
10. i 3.gu 7.a.zu i 3.gu 7.a.zu As for what you have eaten, as for what you
11. ninda nu.e.gu 7 uzu.zu.um i 3.gu 7
have eaten,
It was not bread that you have eaten, it was
your flesh that you have eaten!