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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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3.3 Topicalized and identificational *bi-√ prefix verbs in *mini-√<br />

Before turning to the various issues surrounding definiteness effect environments and<br />

their relation to head-internal relatives clauses, this section represents a brief tangent so<br />

as to clarify both the difference between presupposition and focus (including the<br />

association between presupposition and topicalization) and an important point of<br />

Sumerian morphology: the derivation of verbs bearing the *mini-√ prefix from<br />

underlying *bi-√ verbs through the addition of a third person animate possessive<br />

pronoun, *-ni (the derivation of *mini-√ from *bi-ni-√ was first proposed by Postgate<br />

[1974, 21-22], see Attinger 1993, 273-275 and Rubio forthcoming, §3.9.6 for recent<br />

bibliography, but the interpretation of *-ni- as the possessive pronoun has not been<br />

suggested previously). On the basis of superficial formal as well as more substantial<br />

semantic similarities, I will assume for the time being that verbs of the form *mini-√ are<br />

definite versions of the indefinite relative construction dealt with in the previous chapter.<br />

Note, however, that the examples of the indefinite relative construction cited earlier<br />

regularly lacked pre-root pronominal agreement, *bi-Ø-√, whereas the topicalized form<br />

regularly includes it, *mini-n-√.<br />

Several authors have argued against Postgate’s derivation of *mini-√ from *bi-ni-√<br />

on both formal/evidential grounds as well as semantic ones. Rubio has noted (personal<br />

communication, August <strong>2004</strong>) that if *mini-√ were derived from *bi-ni-√, we might<br />

reasonably expect that in one or two cases the underlying form (sometimes known as a<br />

“morphographemic” orthography) might be attested in the text-artifactual record. All<br />

things being equal, such an evidential requirement would be entirely valid, but in the case<br />

213

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