Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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(26) The Instructions of Shuruppak [5.6.1], ll. 29-31 (Alster 1974, 36-37, 83; nam [ Topic ni2.zu] [ Focus tun3.am3 [Presupposition bi2.ib.bar.≠re±.e]] As for fearsomeness, it is not AN AXE that you should hold on to, (but rather A TRUE EYE (igi zi(d) [cf. igi zi √bar]), 29. e 2 na.a.an.ni.buru 3.e.en You should not break into a house, you mi.si.IÍ.ra al nam.me should not wish for the money chest, 30. ni 2.zu ≠piriœ na.nam± ul.dab 5 saœ As for your fearsomeness, it is that of a lion, na.nam but once caught, it is that of a slave, 31. dumu.œu 10 sa gaz nam.mu.u 3.ak.e My son, you should not commit robbery—as nam ni2.zu tun3.am3 bi 2.ib.bar.≠re±.e hold, 289 for fearsomeness, it is not an axe that Line 31 in the ETCSL version, which I adopt as conventional, is equivalent to lines 35-36 in Alster’s edition (1974, 36-37). In his commentary (1974, 83), Alster takes ni 2.zu as a phonetic writing of ni 2.zu˙ “thief,” but translates it in his edition as ‘yourself’. I also take nam the NAM in line 31 as a gloss on tun3.am3 so as to clarify that it is /tun-nam/ rather than /tun-am/: the orthography is interesting in that if the author had wanted to indicate a simple copula, the expected orthography would have been tun 3.na.am 3. Note, therefore, that, apparently, one of the reasons for the highly conventionalized orthography of NAM for *na-/*nu-am might be that, if the underlying form is *na-am, a syllabic orthography would have been systematically confused with the third person animate possessive pronoun followed by the copula *XP-ni-am > XP-na.am 3—the occurrence of NAM
following a word that ends in /n/ in this case represents a similar problem for the orthographic system. At the same time, given the conventionalized orthography of NAM in the negative contrastive focus constructions dealt with in this section, it could just as well be taken as a kind of semantic, or more precisely, a morphosyntactic determinative, indicating the particular morphological segmentation of the sequence in question. The contrast in this example is somewhat unclear to me, but I suspect that it is with *igi zi √bar “to look at something/one with a clear/just eye.” 290
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Page 273 and 274: The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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Page 287 and 288: In the first of my examples of focu
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Page 295 and 296: Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
Page 297 and 298: 245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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Page 301 and 302: (22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
Page 303 and 304: 4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
Page 305: 11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
Page 309 and 310: 408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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Page 317 and 318: (32) María se fué con nada Maria
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Page 325 and 326: (41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
Page 327 and 328: ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
Page 329 and 330: (“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
Page 331 and 332: 5 Possession, animacy and the rise
Page 333 and 334: understood as a single component of
Page 335 and 336: increasingly specific) models of th
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Page 339 and 340: C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
Page 341 and 342: Here in the realm of participial co
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Page 345 and 346: instrumentality. In other words, th
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Page 349 and 350: work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
Page 351 and 352: Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354: Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
Page 355 and 356: Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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