Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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Although the three semantic classes into which I have divided up the BNBV inal predicates show some variation in the form of the postposition following the perceived or negatively affected argument, the single most important criterion of the BNBV inal class is manifest throughout: as a rule, the constructions lack the causative semantics typically found in other *bi-√ prefix constructions and the ergative case-marked noun is an experiencer of the event rather than an agent responsible for bringing it about. 79
1.7 Possible motivations for the BNBV inal distributional class Given the correlation between a formal test (bare nominal immediately before a *bi-√ prefix verb), a typological parallel (low source applicative constructions) and a relatively coherent semantics (verbs of perception and privation, which form a single coherent semantic class under the constraints of a low source applicative hypothesis), one might reasonably ask why these formal properties in particular are used to code this semantic category in Sumerian. I argue in the balance of this study that the two crucial factors determining the formal properties of the BNBV inal construction in Sumerian are indefiniteness (or its referential equivalent coded through other means) and transfer of possession from a source to a goal as indicated by the absence of resumptive pronominalization on the nominal component of a BNBV inal construction: any kind of possessive pronoun functioning resumptively would have to choose between resuming either the source argument or the goal argument, when the crucial factor in the BNBV inal construction is the transfer rather than the possession itself. Indefiniteness has not been investigated in Sumerian in any detail and Sumerian nouns are not explicitly identified as either definite or indefinite by distinctive morphology. Certain kinds of nouns and nominal constructions such as possessive constructions are often translated into European languages using definite nouns, but this may be misleading in that there is no necessary correlation between occurrence in a possessive construction and definiteness (Lyons 1999, 22-26). Nonetheless, if one assumes for the sake of argument that possessive pronouns in Sumerian are indicators of definiteness, certain phenomena fall into place: the use of nouns bearing possessive 80
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
Page 45 and 46: (3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
Page 47 and 48: (6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
Page 49 and 50: interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
Page 51 and 52: BNBV class will be proposed, but in
Page 53 and 54: Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
Page 55 and 56: all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
Page 57 and 58: the two criteria mentioned above, n
Page 59 and 60: Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
Page 61 and 62: this chapter. And, it is, after all
Page 63 and 64: 1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
Page 65 and 66: in the English double object constr
Page 67 and 68: Various theoretical considerations
Page 69 and 70: But Landau then draws a comparison
Page 71 and 72: work of Nichols who describes the d
Page 73 and 74: 1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
Page 75 and 76: (31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
Page 77 and 78: The special characteristic of BNBV
Page 79 and 80: 9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
Page 81 and 82: (40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
Page 83 and 84: (44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
Page 85 and 86: 465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
Page 87 and 88: 15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
Page 89 and 90: 23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
Page 91 and 92: argument to be changed to locative
Page 93 and 94: (60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
Page 95: 199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
Page 99 and 100: Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
Page 101 and 102: Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
Page 103 and 104: 1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
Page 105 and 106: sentences in which they occur, but
Page 107 and 108: In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
Page 109 and 110: 2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
Page 111 and 112: aspect” as a rough equivalent to
Page 113 and 114: esultative secondary predicates—i
Page 115 and 116: In (1), factoring out tense as much
Page 117 and 118: separately on the basis of whether
Page 119 and 120: In the three examples in (2), contr
Page 121 and 122: nominal modified by the secondary p
Page 123 and 124: translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
Page 125 and 126: forms are, in some cases at least,
Page 127 and 128: (Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
Page 129 and 130: coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
Page 131 and 132: (16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
Page 133 and 134: (19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
Page 135 and 136: eduplicated stem is followed by the
Page 137 and 138: 2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
Page 139 and 140: 16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
Page 141 and 142: 352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
Page 143 and 144: check on quality or quantity of fie
Page 145 and 146: accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Definite noun phrases such as “my
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. kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
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. larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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topicalized, the following example
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. when there is more than one gover
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The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
Page 349 and 350:
work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354:
Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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