Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

instrumentality. In other words, the semantics associated with the source argument
bearing the old locative postposition, *-e, split into two subfields on the basis of the
inalienability of the noun: the source argument in BNBV inal predicates was associated
with deprivation and adversity, whereas the source argument in alienable BNBV
predicates was identified as coerced and/or instrumental.
Once the split between causative *bi-√ and applicative *bi-√ constructions (on the
basis of the (in)alienability of the bare noun in the construction) had taken place, the
subsequent reshuffling of functions assigned to the old locative postposition set the stage
for the Type C grammaticalization suggested by Garrett. In a causative construction with
null or impersonal causer and a causee in the equivalent of an ablative/instrumental case
(due to the co-occurrence of the old locative postposition, *-e, and the low source
applicative, *bi-), the resulting configuration would look something like the following.
(77) Ø animate.causer NP inanimate-e causee NP alienable bi-Ø-√
Since the inanimate causee is very similar to the animate causer in that they both share
the same morphological form with old locative postposition and nearly the same function,
the reinterpretation of the postposition that marks the causee as an ergative case-marking
on the basis of these similarities is in conformity with the Type C model described by
Garrett and it also incorporates certain components of the Coghill/Deutscher hypothesis.
Thus, any noun bearing the old locative postposition in a transitive clause with an
alienable noun would—via two distinct grammaticalization pathways—have been
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