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Challenges in the Era of Globalization - iaabd

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<strong>Challenges</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Era</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Globalization</strong><br />

Edited by Emmanuel Obuah<br />

o Compatibility: This is <strong>the</strong> degree to which corruption fits with <strong>the</strong> potential adopter's exist<strong>in</strong>g<br />

values, previous experiences and current needs. S<strong>in</strong>ce compatibility is positively related to<br />

adoption, <strong>the</strong> higher <strong>the</strong> compatibility <strong>of</strong> pay<strong>in</strong>g bribes is to <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual, <strong>the</strong> more likely that<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividual will adopt it.<br />

Subjective Norm and corruption<br />

This refers to <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>of</strong> people <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> consumer’s social environment. This <strong>in</strong>fluence ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />

promotes or discourages behavioural <strong>in</strong>tention to adopt corrupt practices. So, it can be expected that if<br />

<strong>the</strong>se <strong>in</strong>dividuals perceive corruption <strong>in</strong> a good light, due to normative compliance, <strong>the</strong> consumer will<br />

likely adopt corrupt behaviour.<br />

Diverse views on pay<strong>in</strong>g for improv<strong>in</strong>g promptitude<br />

Although <strong>the</strong>re are significant differences between bribes and tips, <strong>the</strong> objectives <strong>of</strong> both practices appear<br />

to be <strong>the</strong> same – improv<strong>in</strong>g promptitude, as described by Lynn, Z<strong>in</strong>khan, & Harris (1993:479) that <strong>the</strong><br />

word T.I.P. is actually an acronym for “to improve promptitude.”. Lynn & Withiam (2008:331) expla<strong>in</strong><br />

this concept <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g excerpt:<br />

Tipp<strong>in</strong>g exists because it is <strong>the</strong> most efficient way to provide service workers with an <strong>in</strong>centive to<br />

deliver good service. They argue that <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tangible and customized nature <strong>of</strong> services makes it<br />

difficult and costly for managers to monitor and reward service workers’ efforts, so this task is<br />

given to <strong>the</strong> customer via tipp<strong>in</strong>g whenever <strong>the</strong> consumer is able to evaluate <strong>the</strong> service worker’s<br />

performance. From this perspective, we do not tip physicians, car mechanics, and some o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

service workers because consumers cannot tell <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> short term if those workers have done a<br />

good job or not. In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> most personal services, however, consumers can evaluate service<br />

workers’ performances and can do so more efficiently than can firms. In those cases, tipp<strong>in</strong>g is<br />

supposed to improve service levels by provid<strong>in</strong>g workers with a stronger <strong>in</strong>centive to deliver<br />

good service than would o<strong>the</strong>rwise be possible.<br />

Similarly Kolyesnokova et al. (2007) expla<strong>in</strong> that gratuity purchas<strong>in</strong>g f<strong>in</strong>ds its roots <strong>in</strong> reciprocity, a<br />

social psychology concept expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> “mutuality <strong>of</strong> gratification.” In o<strong>the</strong>r words, people feel<br />

obligated to repay or reciprocate positive behaviour. For that reason, consumers are likely to rationalise<br />

<strong>the</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> pay<strong>in</strong>g for services (tips and bribery) as both a social activity – satisfy<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> norm <strong>of</strong><br />

reciprocity and as an economic activity.<br />

Conclusions<br />

While most diffusion studies are concerned with devis<strong>in</strong>g strategies for promot<strong>in</strong>g adoption (Ajzen, 1991;<br />

Robertson, 1967; Rogers, 1995; Taylor & Todd, 1995), this study anticipates on do<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> reverse –<br />

study<strong>in</strong>g diffusion with a view <strong>of</strong> retard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> corruption. By ga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g a sufficient<br />

understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> diffusion and adoption patterns <strong>of</strong> corruption <strong>in</strong> South Africa, it is anticipated that<br />

corruption-combat<strong>in</strong>g strategies might be discovered. Because <strong>of</strong> its wide adaptability, <strong>the</strong> decomposed<br />

<strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> planned behaviour (DTPB) is deemed more suitable and utilised as a <strong>the</strong>oretical basis for this<br />

study (Taylor & Todd, 1995).<br />

More importantly, <strong>the</strong> paper sought to demonstrate <strong>the</strong> applicability <strong>of</strong> diffusion <strong>the</strong>ory, particularly <strong>the</strong><br />

DTPB <strong>in</strong> expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g private corruption as both an <strong>in</strong>novation and a relevant consumer behaviour. The<br />

notion <strong>of</strong> corruption was discussed from both <strong>the</strong> global and South African contexts. It was demonstrated<br />

that private corruption, as performed by private <strong>in</strong>dividuals, at least <strong>in</strong> South Africa, can be considered to<br />

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