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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

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98<br />

V. I. LENIN<br />

prevents the understanding <strong>of</strong> either” (ibid.). This conclusion<br />

follows naturally if we consistently adhere <strong>to</strong> the viewpoint<br />

that distinguishes the peasant groups according <strong>to</strong> economic<br />

strength; we have seen everywhere in our data that the well<strong>to</strong>-do<br />

peasants grab rentable land, despite the fact that they<br />

are better provided with allotment land. It is clear that the<br />

degree <strong>of</strong> prosperity <strong>of</strong> the household is the determining fac<strong>to</strong>r<br />

in the renting <strong>of</strong> land, and that this fac<strong>to</strong>r merely undergoes<br />

a change but does not cease <strong>to</strong> be determining, with the<br />

change in the conditions <strong>of</strong> land allotment and renting.<br />

But, although Mr. Karyshev investigated the influence <strong>of</strong><br />

“prosperity,” he did not adhere consistently <strong>to</strong> the viewpoint<br />

mentioned, and therefore characterised the phenomenon<br />

inaccurately, speaking <strong>of</strong> the direct connection between the<br />

degree <strong>to</strong> which the lessee is supplied with land and the renting<br />

<strong>of</strong> land. This is one point. Another point is that the onesidedness<br />

<strong>of</strong> Mr. Karyshev’s investigation prevented him<br />

from appraising the full significance <strong>of</strong> the way rentable land<br />

is grabbed by the rich peasants. In his study <strong>of</strong> “non-allotment<br />

renting”, he limits himself <strong>to</strong> summarising the Zemstvo<br />

statistics on land renting, without taking account <strong>of</strong> the lessees’<br />

own farms. Naturally, with such a method <strong>of</strong> study, a<br />

more formal one, the problem <strong>of</strong> the relation between land renting<br />

and the “prosperity,” <strong>of</strong> the commercial character <strong>of</strong> land<br />

renting could not be solved. Mr. Karyshev, for example, was<br />

in possession <strong>of</strong> the same data on Kamyshin Uyezd as we are,<br />

but he limited himself <strong>to</strong> reproducing absolute figures only<br />

<strong>of</strong> land renting (see Appendix No. 8, p. XXXVI) and <strong>to</strong> calculating<br />

the average amount <strong>of</strong> rented land per allotmentholding<br />

household (text, p. 143). The concentration <strong>of</strong> land<br />

renting in the hands <strong>of</strong> the well-<strong>to</strong>-do peasants, its industrial<br />

character, its connection with land leasing by the bot<strong>to</strong>m<br />

group <strong>of</strong> the peasantry, were all overlooked. Thus, Mr. Karyshev<br />

could not but see that the Zemstvo statistics refute<br />

the Narodnik notion <strong>of</strong> land renting and show that the poor<br />

are ousted by the well-<strong>to</strong>-do peasants; but he gave an inaccurate<br />

description <strong>of</strong> this phenomenon, did not study it from<br />

all sides and came in<strong>to</strong> conflict with the data, repeating the<br />

old song about the “labour principle,” etc. But even the mere<br />

statement <strong>of</strong> the fact <strong>of</strong> economic discord and conflict among<br />

the peasantry seemed heresy <strong>to</strong> the Narodniks, and they pro-

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