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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

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178<br />

V. I. LENIN<br />

approximately � <strong>of</strong> the population) <strong>to</strong> membership <strong>of</strong> the<br />

rural proletariat, i.e., all the horseless and a large part <strong>of</strong><br />

the one-horse peasants (this, <strong>of</strong> course, is only a wholesale,<br />

approximate calculation, one subject <strong>to</strong> more or less considerable<br />

modifications in the different areas, according <strong>to</strong><br />

local conditions). The grounds which compel us <strong>to</strong> believe<br />

that such a considerable proportion <strong>of</strong> the peasantry already<br />

belong <strong>to</strong> the rural proletariat have been advanced above.*<br />

It should be added that our literature frequently contains<br />

<strong>to</strong>o stereotyped an understanding <strong>of</strong> the theoretical proposition<br />

that capitalism requires the free, landless worker.<br />

This proposition is quite correct as indicating the main<br />

trend, but capitalism penetrates in<strong>to</strong> agriculture particularly<br />

slowly and in extremely varied forms. The allotment<br />

<strong>of</strong> land <strong>to</strong> the rural worker is very <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>to</strong> the interests<br />

<strong>of</strong> the rural employers themselves, and that is why the<br />

allotment-holding rural worker is a type <strong>to</strong> be found in all<br />

capitalist countries. The type assumes different forms in<br />

different countries: the English cottager is not the same as<br />

the small-holding peasant <strong>of</strong> France or the Rhine provinces,<br />

and the latter again is not the same as the Knecht in Prussia.<br />

Each <strong>of</strong> these bears traces <strong>of</strong> a specific agrarian system, <strong>of</strong><br />

a specific his<strong>to</strong>ry <strong>of</strong> agrarian relations—but this does not<br />

prevent the economist from classing them all as one type<br />

<strong>of</strong> agricultural proletarian. The juridical basis <strong>of</strong> his right<br />

<strong>to</strong> his plot <strong>of</strong> land is absolutely immaterial <strong>to</strong> such a<br />

classification. Whether the land is his full property (as a<br />

* Pr<strong>of</strong>. Conrad considers the criterion for the real peasant in<br />

Germany <strong>to</strong> be ownership <strong>of</strong> a pair <strong>of</strong> draught animals (Gespannbauerngüter),<br />

see Landownership and Agriculture (Moscow, 1896,<br />

pp. 84-85). For Russia the criterion should rather be put higher. In<br />

defining the concept “peasant,” what Conrad takes is the percentage <strong>of</strong><br />

persons or households engaged in “hired labour” or “subsidiary<br />

industries” generally (ibid.),—Pr<strong>of</strong> Stebut, who cannot be denied<br />

authority on questions <strong>of</strong> fact, wrote in 1882: “Since the fall <strong>of</strong> serfdom,<br />

the peasant with his small economic unit, engaged exclusively in<br />

growing grain, that is <strong>to</strong> say, principally in the central black-earth<br />

belt <strong>of</strong> Russia, has in the majority <strong>of</strong> cases become an artisan, a farm<br />

labourer or a day labourer, for whom agriculture is only a subsidiary<br />

occupation” (“Articles on Russian Agriculture, Its Defects and the<br />

Measures for Its Improvement,” Moscow, 1883, p. 11) Evidently<br />

the artisans here also include wage-workers in industry (building,<br />

etc.) However incorrect this use <strong>of</strong> terms, it is very widespread in<br />

our literature, even in specifically economic literature.

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