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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

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156<br />

V. I. LENIN<br />

conditions enabling him <strong>to</strong> produce his products as commodities”<br />

(Das Kapital, III, 2, 346. Russ. trans., p. 671). 58<br />

Let us observe that the budget data utterly refute the<br />

view, still fairly widespread, that taxes play an important<br />

part in the development <strong>of</strong> commodity production. Undoubtedly,<br />

quit-rents and taxes were at one time an important<br />

fac<strong>to</strong>r in the development <strong>of</strong> exchange, but at the present<br />

time commodity economy has become firmly established,<br />

and the indicated importance <strong>of</strong> taxes is becoming al<strong>to</strong>gether<br />

secondary. A comparison <strong>of</strong> the expenditure on taxes and<br />

duties with the peasants’ <strong>to</strong>tal cash expenditure shows a<br />

ratio <strong>of</strong> 15.8% (for the respective groups it is: a—24.8%;<br />

b—21.9%; c—19.3%; d—18.8%; e—15.4% and f—<br />

9.0%). Hence, the maximum expenditure on taxes is onethird<br />

<strong>of</strong> the remaining cash expenditure unavoidably<br />

incurred by the peasant under the present conditions <strong>of</strong><br />

social economy. If, however, we do not take the role <strong>of</strong> taxes<br />

in the development <strong>of</strong> exchange, but take them relative <strong>to</strong><br />

the income, we shall see that it is an excessively high one.<br />

How heavily the traditions <strong>of</strong> the pre-Reform epoch weigh<br />

down upon the peasant <strong>of</strong> <strong>to</strong>day is seen most strikingly<br />

in the existence <strong>of</strong> taxes which absorb one-seventh <strong>of</strong> the<br />

gross expenditure <strong>of</strong> the small farmer, or even <strong>of</strong> the<br />

allotment-holding farm labourer. Moreover, the distribution<br />

<strong>of</strong> taxes within the village community is as<strong>to</strong>nishingly<br />

uneven: the better <strong>of</strong>f the peasant, the smaller the part <strong>of</strong><br />

his <strong>to</strong>tal expenditure that goes in taxes. The horseless peasant<br />

pays in proportion <strong>to</strong> his income nearly three times as<br />

much as the peasant owning many horses (see above, table<br />

on distribution <strong>of</strong> expenditure). We speak <strong>of</strong> the distribution<br />

<strong>of</strong> taxes within the village community, because if we<br />

calculate the amount <strong>of</strong> taxes and duties per dessiatine <strong>of</strong><br />

allotment land, it will be found <strong>to</strong> be nearly uniform.<br />

After all that has been stated, this unevenness should not<br />

as<strong>to</strong>nish us; it is inevitable in our village community,<br />

so long as the village community retains its compulsory,<br />

feudal character. As we know, the peasants share all taxes<br />

according <strong>to</strong> land held: share <strong>of</strong> taxes and share <strong>of</strong> land merge<br />

in their minds in the one concept “soul,” or person.* As<br />

* See V. Orlov, Peasant Farming, Statistical Returns for Moscow<br />

Gubernia, <strong>Vol</strong>. IV, Pt. I.—Trirogov, The Village Community and

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