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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

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374<br />

V. I. LENIN<br />

workers; workroom owners and weavers; master industrialists<br />

and the rest <strong>of</strong> the peasantry; households engaged in local<br />

and in outside industries, etc. The general conclusion drawn<br />

by Mr. Kharizomenov from these data is that if the “handicraftsmen”<br />

are divided in<strong>to</strong> three categories, viz.—1) big<br />

industrialists; 2) small and medium industrialists; 3) wageworkers,<br />

there is <strong>to</strong> be observed a deterioration <strong>of</strong> agriculture<br />

as from the first category <strong>to</strong> the third, a diminution<br />

in the amount <strong>of</strong> land and animals, an increase in the<br />

proportion <strong>of</strong> “distressed” farms, etc.* Unfortunately,<br />

Mr. Kharizomenov examined these data <strong>to</strong>o restrictedly and<br />

one-sidedly, and paid no attention <strong>to</strong> the parallel and<br />

independent process <strong>of</strong> the differentiation <strong>of</strong> the peasant agriculturists.<br />

That is why he failed <strong>to</strong> draw from these data the<br />

conclusion that inevitably follows from them, namely, that<br />

the peasantry both in agriculture and in industry are splitting<br />

up in<strong>to</strong> a petty bourgeoisie and a rural proletariat.**<br />

That is why, in describing the different industries, he quite<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten sinks <strong>to</strong> the traditional Narodnik arguments about the<br />

influence <strong>of</strong> “industry” in general over “agriculture” in general<br />

* See Yuridichesky Vestnik [The Legal Messenger], 1883, <strong>Vol</strong>.<br />

XIV, Nos. 11 and 12.<br />

** How near Mr. Kharizomenov was <strong>to</strong> drawing such a conclusion<br />

may be seen from the following description <strong>of</strong> post-Reform<br />

economic development which he gives in speaking <strong>of</strong> the silk trade:<br />

“Serfdom evened out the economic level <strong>of</strong> the peasantry: it tied the<br />

hands <strong>of</strong> the rich peasant, sustained the poor peasant and prevented<br />

the family division <strong>of</strong> property. Natural economy narrowed <strong>to</strong>o much<br />

the arena for commercial and industrial activity. The local market<br />

did not provide sufficiently wide scope for enterprise. The peasant<br />

merchant or industrialist accumulated money—without risk, it is<br />

true, but very slowly—accumulated it and put it away in his chest.<br />

Beginning with the 60s conditions change. Serfdom comes <strong>to</strong> an end;<br />

credit and the railways, by creating an extensive and distant market,<br />

provide scope for the enterprising peasant merchant and industrialist.<br />

All those who have been above the average economic level quickly<br />

get on their feet, develop trade and industry and extend their exploiting<br />

activities quantitatively and qualitatively. All those who have<br />

been below that level fall, sink, drop in<strong>to</strong> the ranks <strong>of</strong> the landless,<br />

the non-farming, the horseless. The peasantry split up in<strong>to</strong> the groups<br />

<strong>of</strong> kulaks, semi-prosperous peasants and farmless proletariat. The<br />

kulak element <strong>of</strong> the peasantry rapidly copy all the habits <strong>of</strong> a cultured<br />

milieu; they live in grand style, and from them a huge class is<br />

formed <strong>of</strong> the semi-cultured sections <strong>of</strong> Russian society” (III, 20, 21). 127

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