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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

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140<br />

V. I. LENIN<br />

Let us now compare the degree <strong>of</strong> peasant differentiation<br />

in the different localities. In the chart two types <strong>of</strong> localities<br />

stand out very clearly in this regard: in Taurida,<br />

Samara, Sara<strong>to</strong>v and Perm gubernias the differentiation <strong>of</strong><br />

the agricultural peasantry is markedly more intense than<br />

in Orel, Voronezh and Nizhni-Novgorod gubernias. The<br />

curves <strong>of</strong> the first four gubernias in the run below<br />

the red average line, while those <strong>of</strong> the last three<br />

gubernias run above the average, i.e., show a smaller concentration<br />

<strong>of</strong> farming in the hands <strong>of</strong> the well-<strong>to</strong>-do minority.<br />

The localities <strong>of</strong> the first type are the most land-abundant<br />

and strictly agricultural (in Perm Gubernia the agricultural<br />

parts <strong>of</strong> the uyezds have been singled out), with extensive<br />

farming. With farming <strong>of</strong> this character the differentiation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the agricultural peasantry is easily noted and<br />

therefore clearly visible. Conversely, in the localities <strong>of</strong><br />

the second type we see, on the one hand, a development <strong>of</strong><br />

commercial agriculture such as is not noted in our data;<br />

for example, the sowing <strong>of</strong> hemp in Orel Gubernia. On<br />

the other hand, we see the tremendous significance <strong>of</strong> “industries,”<br />

both in the sense <strong>of</strong> work for hire (Zadonsk Uyezd,<br />

Voronezh Gubernia) and in the sense <strong>of</strong> non-agricultural<br />

occupations (Nizhni-Novgorod Gubernia). The significance<br />

<strong>of</strong> both these circumstances for the question <strong>of</strong> the differentiation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the agricultural peasantry is enormous. Of the<br />

former (the different forms <strong>of</strong> commercial agriculture and<br />

agricultural progress in the different localities) we have<br />

already spoken. The significance <strong>of</strong> the latter (the role <strong>of</strong><br />

the “industries”) is no less obvious. If in a given locality the<br />

bulk <strong>of</strong> the peasants are allotment-holding farm labourers,<br />

day labourers or wage-workers in industries, the differentiation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the agricultural peasantry will, <strong>of</strong> course, be marked<br />

very feebly.* But <strong>to</strong> get a proper idea <strong>of</strong> the matter, these<br />

typical representatives <strong>of</strong> the rural proletariat must be compared<br />

with typical representatives <strong>of</strong> the peasant bourgeoisie.<br />

The allotment-holding Voronezh day labourer who goes<br />

* It is quite possible that in the central black-earth gubernias,<br />

like Orel, Voronezh and others, the differentiation <strong>of</strong> the peasantry<br />

is indeed much feebler, because <strong>of</strong> land-poverty, heavy taxation<br />

and the wide prevalence <strong>of</strong> the labour-service system: all these are<br />

circumstances retarding differentiation.

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