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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

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90<br />

V. I. LENIN<br />

we get the following figures, counting from the bot<strong>to</strong>m group<br />

<strong>to</strong> the <strong>to</strong>p: 3.94; 3.20; 2.90; 2.75; 2.57; 2.08; 1.78 rubles. To<br />

show what mistakes the Narodniks fall in<strong>to</strong> by thus ignoring<br />

the concentration <strong>of</strong> rented ]and, let us quote by way <strong>of</strong><br />

example the arguments <strong>of</strong> Mr. Karyshev in the well-known<br />

symposium The Influence <strong>of</strong> Harvests and Grain Prices on<br />

Certain Aspects <strong>of</strong> the Russian National Economy (St. Petersburg,<br />

1897). When grain prices fall, with an improvement <strong>of</strong> the<br />

harvest, and renting prices rise, the entrepreneur renters,<br />

concludes Mr. Karyshev, have <strong>to</strong> reduce demand and hence<br />

the renting prices had been raised by the representatives<br />

<strong>of</strong> consumers’ economy (I, 288). The conclusion is absolutely<br />

arbitrary: it is quite possible that the peasant bourgeoisie<br />

raise renting prices in spite <strong>of</strong> a drop in grain prices, for an<br />

improvement in the harvest may compensate for the drop<br />

in prices. It is quite possible that the well-<strong>to</strong>-do peasants<br />

raise renting prices even when there is no such compensation,<br />

reducing the cost <strong>of</strong> production <strong>of</strong> grain by introducing<br />

machinery. We know that the employment <strong>of</strong> machines in<br />

agriculture is growing and that these machines are concentrated<br />

in the hands <strong>of</strong> the peasant bourgeoisie. Instead <strong>of</strong><br />

studying the differentiation <strong>of</strong> the peasantry, Mr. Karyshev<br />

introduces arbitrary and incorrect premises about an average<br />

peasantry. That is why all the conclusions and deductions<br />

similarly arrived at by him in the publication quoted are <strong>of</strong><br />

no value whatever.<br />

Having ascertained that diverse elements exist among the<br />

peasantry, we can now easily get clarity on the question <strong>of</strong><br />

the home market. If the well-<strong>to</strong>-do peasants control about<br />

q <strong>of</strong> the <strong>to</strong>tal agricultural production, it is obvious that<br />

they must account for an incomparably larger share <strong>of</strong> the<br />

grain on sale. They produce grain for sale, whereas the badly<strong>of</strong>f<br />

peasants have <strong>to</strong> buy additional grain and sell their<br />

labour-power. Here are the data:*<br />

* We identify with the sale <strong>of</strong> labour-power what the statisticians<br />

call “agricultural industries” (local and away from the village). That<br />

by these “industries is meant employment as regular and day labourers<br />

is clear from the table <strong>of</strong> industries (Combined Returns for Samara<br />

Gubernia, <strong>Vol</strong>. VIII): <strong>of</strong> 14,063 males engaged in “agricultural<br />

industries,” 13,297 are farm labourers and day labourers (including<br />

shepherds and ploughmen).

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