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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

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136<br />

V. I. LENIN<br />

The next column refers <strong>to</strong> allotment land. In its distribution<br />

we see the greatest degree <strong>of</strong> equality, as should be<br />

the case by virtue <strong>of</strong> the legal status <strong>of</strong> allotment land.<br />

But even here the process <strong>of</strong> the poor being ousted by the<br />

well-<strong>to</strong>-do peasants is beginning: everywhere we find that the<br />

<strong>to</strong>p groups hold a somewhat larger share <strong>of</strong> the allotment<br />

land than the share they represent in the population, while<br />

the bot<strong>to</strong>m groups hold a somewhat smaller one. The “village<br />

community” tends <strong>to</strong> serve the interests <strong>of</strong> the peasant bourgeoisie.<br />

Compared, however, with the actual land tenure the<br />

inequality in the distribution <strong>of</strong> allotment land is still<br />

quite insignificant. The distribution <strong>of</strong> allotment land does<br />

not (as is clearly evident from the chart) give any idea <strong>of</strong><br />

the actual distribution <strong>of</strong> land and farm property.*<br />

Then comes the column for purchased land. In all cases<br />

this land is concentrated in the hands <strong>of</strong> the well-<strong>to</strong>-do: onefifth<br />

<strong>of</strong> the households have about 6 or 7 tenths <strong>of</strong> all peasan<strong>to</strong>wned<br />

purchased land, whereas the poor peasants, constituting<br />

half the households, account for a maximum <strong>of</strong> 15%!<br />

One can judge, therefore, the significance <strong>of</strong> the “Narodnik”<br />

fuss about enabling the “peasantry” <strong>to</strong> buy as much land as<br />

possible and as cheaply as possible.<br />

The next column is that for rented land. Here <strong>to</strong>o we<br />

see everywhere the concentration <strong>of</strong> the land in the hands<br />

<strong>of</strong> the well-<strong>to</strong>-do (one-fifth <strong>of</strong> the households account for<br />

5 <strong>to</strong> 8 tenths <strong>of</strong> the <strong>to</strong>tal rented land) who, moreover, rent<br />

land at cheaper rates, as we have seen above. This grabbing<br />

<strong>of</strong> rentable land by the peasant bourgeoisie clearly demonstrates<br />

that “peasant renting” carries an industrial character<br />

(the purchase <strong>of</strong> land for the purpose <strong>of</strong> selling the product.)**<br />

In saying this, however, we do not at all deny<br />

* A single glance at the chart is sufficient <strong>to</strong> see how useless is<br />

classification according <strong>to</strong> allotment for a study <strong>of</strong> the differentiation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the peasantry.<br />

** Very curious in Mr. Karyshev’s book on the subject <strong>of</strong> rentings<br />

is the Conclusion (Chapter VI). After all his assertions about the<br />

absence <strong>of</strong> an industrial character in peasant renting, assertions devoid<br />

<strong>of</strong> foundation and contradicting Zemstvo statistics, Mr. Karyshev<br />

advances a “theory <strong>of</strong> rent” (borrowed from W. Roscher, etc.), in<br />

other words, serves up with a scientific sauce the desiderata <strong>of</strong> West-<br />

European capitalist farmers: “long leases” (“what is needed is . . .<br />

‘efficient’ use <strong>of</strong> the land by . . . the peasant,” p. 371) and moderate

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