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Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

Collected Works of V. I. Lenin - Vol. 3 - From Marx to Mao

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246<br />

V. I. LENIN<br />

“don’t know day from night,” as they themselves say. The<br />

colonists who hire mowers get their sons <strong>to</strong> follow on their<br />

heels (i.e., <strong>to</strong> speed up the workers!) in shifts, so that the<br />

speeders-up, replacing one another three times a day, come<br />

with renewed energy <strong>to</strong> drive the workers on: “that is why<br />

it is so easy <strong>to</strong> recognise those who have worked for the German<br />

colonists by their haggard appearance. Generally speaking,<br />

the farmsteaders and the Germans avoid hiring those<br />

who have formerly worked on landowners’ estates. ‘You’ll<br />

not stand the pace with us,’ they say quite frankly” (ibid.).*<br />

Large-scale machine industry, by concentrating large<br />

masses <strong>of</strong> workers, transforming the methods <strong>of</strong> production,<br />

and destroying all the traditional, patriarchal cloaks and<br />

screens that have obscured the relations between classes,<br />

always leads <strong>to</strong> the directing <strong>of</strong> public attention <strong>to</strong>wards<br />

these relations, <strong>to</strong> attempts at public control and regulation.<br />

This phenomenon, which has found particularly striking<br />

expression in fac<strong>to</strong>ry inspection, is also beginning <strong>to</strong><br />

be observed in Russian capitalist agriculture, precisely in<br />

the region where it is most developed. The question <strong>of</strong> the<br />

workers’ sanitary conditions was raised in Kherson Gubernia<br />

as early as 1875 at the Second Gubernia Congress <strong>of</strong><br />

Doc<strong>to</strong>rs <strong>of</strong> the Kherson Zemstvo, and was dealt with again<br />

in 1888; in 1889 there was drawn up a programme for the<br />

study <strong>of</strong> the workers’ conditions. The investigation <strong>of</strong> sanitary<br />

conditions that was carried out (on a far from adequate<br />

scale) in 1889-1890 slightly lifted the veil concealing<br />

the conditions <strong>of</strong> labour in the remote villages. It was seen,<br />

for instance, that in the majority <strong>of</strong> cases the workers have no<br />

living quarters; where barracks are provided, they are usually<br />

very badly built from a hygienic point <strong>of</strong> view, and “not<br />

* The same characteristics are displayed by the “Cossacks” <strong>of</strong><br />

the Kuban Region: “The Cossack resorts <strong>to</strong> every possible method <strong>to</strong><br />

force down the price <strong>of</strong> labour, acting either individually or through<br />

the community” (sic! What a pity we lack more detailed information<br />

about this latest function <strong>of</strong> the “community”!): “cutting down the<br />

food, increasing the work quota, docking the pay, retaining the workers’<br />

passports, adopting public resolutions prohibiting specific<br />

farmers from employing workers, on pain <strong>of</strong> a fine, at above a definite<br />

rate, etc.” (“Migrant Workers in the Kuban Region” by A. Beloborodov,<br />

in Severny Vestnik, February 1896, p. 5.)

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