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5<br />

Sensitive educational research<br />

Much educational research can be sensitive, in<br />

several senses, and researchers have to be acutely<br />

aware of a variety of delicate issues. This chapter<br />

sets out different ways in which educational<br />

research might be sensitive. It then takes two<br />

significant issues in the planning and conduct<br />

of sensitive research – sampling and access – and<br />

indicates why these twin concerns might be<br />

troublesome for researchers, and how they might<br />

be addressed. Our outline includes a discussion<br />

of gatekeepers and their roles. Sensitive research<br />

raises a range of difficult, sometimes intractable,<br />

ethical issues, and we set out some of these in the<br />

chapter. Investigations involving powerful people<br />

are taken as an instance of sensitive educational<br />

research, and this is used as a vehicle for examining<br />

several key problematic matters in this area. The<br />

chapter moves to a practical note, proffering advice<br />

on how to ask questions in sensitive research.<br />

Finally, the chapter sets out a range of key issues<br />

to be addressed in the planning, conduct and<br />

reporting of sensitive research.<br />

What is sensitive research<br />

Sensitive research is that ‘which potentially poses<br />

asubstantialthreattothosewhoareinvolved<br />

or have been involved in it’ (Lee 1993: 4), or<br />

when those studied view the research as somehow<br />

undesirable (Van Meter 2000). Sensitivity can<br />

derive from many sources, including:<br />

<br />

<br />

Consequences for the participants (Sieber and<br />

Stanley 1988: 49).<br />

Consequences for other people, e.g. family<br />

members, associates, social groups and the<br />

wider community, research groups and<br />

institutions (Lee 1993: 5).<br />

<br />

<br />

Contents, e.g. taboo or emotionally charged<br />

areas of study (Farberow 1963), e.g. criminality,<br />

deviance, sex, race, bereavement, violence,<br />

politics, policing, human rights, drugs,<br />

poverty, illness, religion and the sacred,<br />

lifestyle, family, finance, physical appearance,<br />

power and vested interests (Lee 1993; Arditti<br />

2002; Chambers 2003).<br />

Situational and contextual circumstances (Lee<br />

1993).<br />

Intrusion into private spheres and deep<br />

personal experience (Lee and Renzetti 1993:<br />

5), e.g. sexual behaviour, religious practices,<br />

death and bereavement, even income and age.<br />

Potential sanction, risk or threat of stigmatization,<br />

incrimination, costs or career loss<br />

to the researcher, participants or others, e.g.<br />

groups and communities (Lee and Renzetti<br />

1993; Renzetti and Lee 1993; De Laine 2000),<br />

aparticularissuefortheresearcherwhostudies<br />

human sexuality and who, consequently, suffers<br />

from ‘stigma contagion’, i.e. sharing the same<br />

stigma as those being studied (Lee 1993: 9).<br />

Impingement on political alignments (Lee<br />

<br />

<br />

1993).<br />

Cultural and cross-cultural factors and inhibitions<br />

(Sieber 1992: 129).<br />

Fear of scrutiny and exposure (Payne et al.<br />

1980);<br />

Threat to the researchers and to the<br />

family members and associates of those<br />

studied (Lee 1993); Lee (1993: 34) suggests<br />

that ‘chilling’ may take place, i.e. where<br />

researchers are ‘deterred from producing or<br />

disseminating research’ because they anticipate<br />

hostile reactions from colleagues, e.g. on<br />

race. ‘Guilty knowledge’ may bring personal<br />

and professional risk from colleagues; it

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