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178 NATURALISTIC AND ETHNOGRAPHIC <strong>RESEARCH</strong><br />

to investigate how expectations and morale are<br />

related to disruptive behaviour. In this case the<br />

sampling emerges as the research proceeds and<br />

the theory emerges; this is theoretical sampling,<br />

the ‘royal way for qualitative studies’ (Flick 2004:<br />

151). Schatzman and Strauss (1973: 38 ff.) suggest<br />

that sampling within theoretical sampling may<br />

change according to time, place, individuals and<br />

events.<br />

The above procedure accords with Glaser and<br />

Strauss’s (1967) view that sampling involves<br />

continuously gathering data until practical factors<br />

(boundaries) put an end to data collection, or<br />

until no amendments have to be made to the<br />

theory in light of further data – their stage of<br />

‘theoretical saturation’ – where the theory fits the<br />

data even when new data are gathered. Theoretical<br />

saturation is described by Glaser and Strauss<br />

(1967: 61) as being reached when ‘no additional<br />

data are being found whereby the sociologist can<br />

develop properties of the category’. That said, the<br />

researcher has to be cautious to avoid premature<br />

cessation of data collection; it would be too easy to<br />

close off research with limited data, when, in fact,<br />

further sampling and data collection might lead to<br />

areformulationofthetheory.<br />

An extension of theoretical sampling is ‘analytic<br />

induction’, a process advanced by Znaniecki<br />

(1934). Here the researcher starts with a theory<br />

(that may have emerged from the data, as in<br />

grounded theory) and then deliberately proceeds<br />

to lo<strong>ok</strong> for deviant or discrepant cases, to provide<br />

a robust defence of the theory. This accords with<br />

Popper’s notion of a rigorous scientific theory<br />

having to stand up to falsifiability tests. In analytic<br />

induction, the researcher deliberately seeks data<br />

which potentially could falsify the theory, thereby<br />

giving strength to the final theory.<br />

We are suggesting here that, in qualitative<br />

research, sampling cannot always be decided in<br />

advance on a ‘once and for all’ basis. It may have<br />

to continue through the stages of data collection,<br />

analysis and reporting. This reflects the circular<br />

process of qualitative research, in which data<br />

collection, analysis, interpretation and reporting<br />

and sampling do not necessarily have to proceed<br />

in a linear fashion; the process is recursive and<br />

iterative. Sampling is not decided a priori–in<br />

advance – but may be decided, amended, added to,<br />

increased and extended as the research progresses.<br />

Stage 4: Finding a role and managing entry into the<br />

context<br />

This involves matters of access and permission,<br />

establishing a reason for being there, developing<br />

aroleandapersona,identifyingthegatekeepers<br />

who facilitate entry and access to the group being<br />

investigated (see LeCompte and Preissle 1993: 100<br />

and 111). The issue here is complex, for the<br />

researcher will be both a member of the group<br />

and yet studying that group, so it is a delicate<br />

matter to negotiate a role that will enable the<br />

investigator to be both participant and observer.<br />

LeCompte and Preissle (1993: 112) comment that<br />

the most important elements in securing access<br />

are the willingness of researchers to be flexible<br />

and their sensitivity to nuances of behaviour and<br />

response in the participants. As De Laine (2000:<br />

41) remarks: ‘demonstrated ability to get on with<br />

people in the setting and a willingness to share<br />

experience in ongoing activities are important<br />

criteria of access’.<br />

Wolff (2004: 195–6) suggests that there are<br />

two fundamental questions to be addressed in<br />

considering access and entry into the field:<br />

How can researchers succeed in making<br />

contact and securing cooperation from<br />

informants<br />

How can researchers position themselves in<br />

the field so as to secure the necessary time,<br />

space and social relations to be able to carry<br />

out the research<br />

Flick (1998: 57) summarizes Wolff’s (2004) work<br />

in identifying several issues in entering institutions<br />

for the purpose of conducting research:<br />

<br />

<br />

Research is always an intrusion and intervention<br />

into a social system, and, so, disrupts the<br />

system to be studied, such that the system<br />

reacts, often defensively.<br />

There is a ‘mutual opacity’ between the social<br />

system under study and the research project,

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