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38 THE NATURE OF INQUIRY<br />

relationship between researchers and participants<br />

is one of equality, and outsider, objective, distant,<br />

positivist research relations are off the agenda;<br />

researchers are inextricably bound up in the<br />

lives of those they research. That this may bring<br />

difficulties in participant and researcher reactivity<br />

is a matter to be engaged rather than built out of<br />

the research.<br />

Thapar-Björkert and Henry (2004) argue that<br />

the conventional, one-sided and unidirectional<br />

view of the researcher as powerful and the research<br />

participants as less powerful, with the researcher<br />

exploiting and manipulating the researched, could<br />

be a construction by western white researchers.<br />

They report research that indicates that power<br />

is exercised by the researched as well as the<br />

researchers, and is a much more fluid, shifting and<br />

negotiated matter than conventionally suggested,<br />

being dispersed through both the researcher and<br />

the researched. Indeed they show how the research<br />

participants can, and do, exercise considerable<br />

power over the researchers both before, during<br />

and after the research process. They provide a<br />

fascinating example of interviewing women in<br />

their homes in India, where, far from the home<br />

being a location of oppression, it was a site of their<br />

power and control.<br />

With regard to methods of data collection,<br />

Oakley (1981) suggests that ‘interviewing women’<br />

in the standardized, impersonal style which<br />

expects a response to a prescribed agenda and<br />

set of questions may be a ‘contradiction in<br />

terms’, as it implies an exploitative relationship.<br />

Rather, the subject–object relationship should be<br />

replaced by a guided dialogue. She criticizes the<br />

conventional notion of ‘rapport’ in conducting<br />

interviews (Oakley 1981: 35), arguing that they are<br />

instrumental, non-reciprocal and hierarchical, all<br />

of which are masculine traits. Rapport in this sense,<br />

she argues, is not genuine in that the researcher<br />

is using it for scientific rather than human ends<br />

(Oakley 1981: 55). Here researchers are ‘faking<br />

friendship’ for their own ends (Duncombe and<br />

Jessop 2002: 108), equating ‘doing rapport’ with<br />

trust, and, thereby, operating a very ‘detached’<br />

form of friendship (p. 110). Similarly Thapar-<br />

Björkert and Henry (2004) suggest that attempts<br />

at friendship between researchers and participants<br />

are disingenuous, with ‘purported solidarity’ being<br />

afraudperpetratedbywell-intentionedfeminists.<br />

Duncombe and Jessop (2002: 111) ask a<br />

very searching question when they question<br />

whether, if interviewees are persuaded to take<br />

part in an interview by virtue of the researcher’s<br />

demonstration of empathy and ‘rapport’, this<br />

is really giving informed consent. They suggest<br />

that informed consent, particularly in exploratory<br />

interviews, has to be continually renegotiated and<br />

care has to be taken by the interviewer not to be<br />

too intrusive. Personal testimonies, oral narratives<br />

and long interviews also figure highly in feminist<br />

approaches (De Laine 2000: 110; Thapar-Björkert<br />

and Henry 2004), not least in those that touch<br />

on sensitive issues. These, it is argued (Ezzy 2002:<br />

45), enable women’s voices to be heard, to be<br />

close to lived experiences, and avoid unwarranted<br />

assumptions about people’s experiences.<br />

The drive towards collective, egalitarian and<br />

emancipatory qualitative research is seen as necessary<br />

if women are to avoid colluding in their own<br />

oppression by undertaking positivist, uninvolved,<br />

dispassionate, objective research. Mies (1993: 67)<br />

argues that for women to undertake this latter form<br />

of research puts them into a schizophrenic position<br />

of having to adopt methods which contribute to<br />

their own subjugation and repression by ignoring<br />

their experience (however vicarious) of oppression<br />

and by forcing them to abide by the ‘rules<br />

of the game’ of the competitive, male-dominated<br />

academic world. In this view, argue Roman and<br />

Apple (1990: 59), it is not enough for women simply<br />

to embrace ethnographic forms of research, as<br />

this does not necessarily challenge the existing and<br />

constituting forces of oppression or asymmetries of<br />

power. Ethnographic research, they argue, has to<br />

be accompanied by ideology critique; indeed they<br />

argue that the transformative, empowering, emancipatory<br />

potential of research is a critical standard<br />

for evaluating that piece of research.<br />

This latter point resonates with the call<br />

by Lather (1991) for researchers to be concerned<br />

with the political consequences of their research<br />

(e.g. consequential validity), not only the<br />

conduct of the research and data analysis itself.

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