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408 OBSERVATION<br />

nothing can give better insight into the life of a<br />

gang of juvenile delinquents than going to live<br />

with them for an extended period of time, critics<br />

of participant observation studies will point to the<br />

dangers of ‘going native’ as a result of playing a<br />

role within such a group. How do we know that<br />

observers do not lose their perspective and become<br />

blind to the peculiarities that they are supposed to<br />

be investigating<br />

Adler and Adler (1994: 380) suggest several<br />

stages in an observation. Commencing with the<br />

selection of a setting on which to focus, the<br />

observer then seeks a means of gaining entry<br />

to the situation (for example, taking on a role<br />

in it). Having gained entry the observer can<br />

then commence the observation proper, be it<br />

structured or unstructured, focused or unfocused.<br />

If quantitative observation is being used then<br />

data are gathered to be analysed post hoc; if<br />

more ethnographic techniques are being used<br />

then progressive focusing requires the observer to<br />

undertake analysis during the period of observation<br />

itself (discussed earlier).<br />

The question that researchers frequently ask is<br />

‘How much observation should I do’ or ‘When<br />

do I stop observation’ Of course, there is no hard<br />

and fast rule here, although it may be appropriate<br />

to stop when ‘theoretical saturation’ has been<br />

reached (Adler and Adler 1994: 380), i.e. when<br />

the situations that are being observed appear to be<br />

repeating data that have already been collected. Of<br />

course, it may be important to carry on collecting<br />

data at this point, to indicate overall frequencies<br />

of observed behaviour, enabling the researcher to<br />

find the most to the least common behaviours<br />

observed over time. Further, the greater the<br />

number of observations, the greater the reliability<br />

of the data might be, enabling emergent categories<br />

to be verified. What is being addressed here is<br />

the reliability of the observations (see the earlier<br />

discussion of triangulation).<br />

Natural and artificial settings for<br />

observation<br />

Most observations by educational researchers<br />

will be undertaken in natural settings: schools,<br />

classrooms, playgrounds, lessons and suchlike.<br />

In studies of a psychological flavour it may be<br />

that a contrived, artificial setting is set up in<br />

order to give greater observational power to the<br />

observers. In Chapter 21 we describe two classic<br />

studies in the field of social psychology, both of<br />

which use contrived settings – the Milgram study<br />

of obedience and the Stanford Prison experiment.<br />

Similarly psychological researchers may wish to<br />

construct a classroom with a one-way mirror in<br />

order to observe children’s behaviour without the<br />

presence of the observer. This raises the ethical<br />

issue of overt and covert research. The advantage<br />

of a contrived, artificial setting is the degree of<br />

control that the researcher can exert over the<br />

situation – typically as large a degree of control as<br />

in a laboratory experiment. To the charge that<br />

this is an unrealistic situation and that humans<br />

should neither be controlled nor manipulated, we<br />

refer the reader to the ethical issues addressed in<br />

Chapter 2.<br />

One can place settings for observation along a<br />

continuum from structured to unstructured and<br />

from natural to artificial (Box 18.3). Settings<br />

may be classified by the degree of structure<br />

that is imposed on the environment by the<br />

observer/researcher, and by the degree of structure<br />

inherent in the environment itself (Cooper and<br />

Schindler 2001: 378).<br />

Clearly the researcher will need to be guided<br />

by the notion of ‘fitness for purpose’ in the<br />

type of setting and the amount of structure<br />

imposed. There is fuzziness between the boundaries<br />

here. Structured settings may be useful in testing<br />

hypotheses while unstructured settings may be<br />

useful for generating hypotheses.<br />

Ethical considerations<br />

Although observation frequently claims neutrality<br />

by being non-interventionist, there are several<br />

ethical considerations that surround it. There is<br />

awell-documentedliteratureonthedilemmasurrounding<br />

overt and covert observation. Whereas<br />

in overt research the subjects know that they are<br />

being observed, in covert research they do not.<br />

On the one hand, this latter form of research

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