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ROLE-PLAYING VERSUS DECEPTION: THE EVIDENCE 451<br />

Finally, advocates of role-playing methods<br />

deplore the common practice of comparing the<br />

outcomes of role-playing replications against the<br />

standard of their deception study equivalents as<br />

a means of evaluating the relative validity of<br />

the two methods. The results of role-playing<br />

and deception, it is argued, are not directly<br />

comparable since role-playing introduces a far<br />

wider range of human behaviour into experiments<br />

(see Forward et al. 1976).Ifcomparisonsareto<br />

be made, then role-playing results should provide<br />

the yardstick against which deception study data<br />

are measured and not the other way round<br />

as is generally the case. We invite readers to<br />

follow this last piece of advice and to judge the<br />

well-known experiments of Milgram (1974) on<br />

destructive obedience to authority against their<br />

role-playing replications by Mixon (1972; 1974).<br />

Amoresustaineddiscussionofethicalproblems<br />

involved in deception is given in Chapter 2.<br />

Role-playing versus deception: the<br />

evidence<br />

Milgram’s obedience-to-authority<br />

experiments<br />

In a series of studies from 1963 to 1974,<br />

Milgram carried out numerous variations on<br />

a basic obedience experiment which involved<br />

individuals acting, one at a time, as ‘teachers’<br />

of another subject (who was, in reality, a<br />

confederate of the experimenter). ‘Teachers’<br />

were required to administer electric shocks<br />

of increasing severity every time the learner<br />

failed to make a correct response to a verbal<br />

learning task. Over the years, Milgram involved<br />

over 1,000 subjects in the experiment – subjects,<br />

incidentally, who were drawn from all walks of<br />

life rather than from undergraduate psychology<br />

classes. Summarizing his findings, Milgram (1974)<br />

reported that typically some 67 per cent of his<br />

teachers delivered the maximum electric shock to<br />

the learner despite the fact that such a degree of<br />

severity was clearly labelled as highly dangerous<br />

to the physical well-being of the person on the<br />

receiving end. Milgram’s (1974) explanation of<br />

destructive obedience to authority is summarized<br />

by Brown and Herrnstein (1975).<br />

Mixon’s (1974) starting point was a disaffection<br />

for the deceit that played such an important<br />

part in generating emotional stress in Milgram’s<br />

subjects, and a desire to explore alternative<br />

approaches to the study of destructive obedience to<br />

authority. Since Milgram’s dependent variable was<br />

a rule-governed action, Mixon (1974) reasoned<br />

the rule-governed behaviour of Milgram’s subjects<br />

could have been uniform or predictable. But<br />

it was not. Why, then, did some of Milgram’s<br />

subjects obey and some defy the experimenter’s<br />

instructions The situation, Mixon (1974) notes,<br />

seemed perfectly clear to most commentators; the<br />

command to administer an electric shock appeared<br />

to be obviously immoral and all subjects should<br />

therefore have disobeyed the experimenter. If<br />

defiance was so obviously called for when lo<strong>ok</strong>ing<br />

at the experiment from the outside, why, asks<br />

Mixon, was it not obvious to those taking part<br />

on the inside Mixon found a complete script of<br />

Milgram’s experiment and proceeded to transform<br />

it into an active role-playing exercise.<br />

Mixon (1974) wrote that previous interpretations<br />

of the Milgram data had rested on the<br />

assumption that obedient subjects helplessly performed<br />

what was clearly an immoral act. Although<br />

this situation seemed clear from the outside, yet<br />

to the actors it was not. In Mixon’s role-playing<br />

version the actors could not understand why the<br />

experimenter behaved as if feedback from the<br />

‘victim’ was unimportant, as such feedback was<br />

suggesting that something serious had happened<br />

and that the experiment had gone badly wrong,<br />

yet the experimenter was behaving as if nothing<br />

was wrong, thereby contradicting the clear evidence<br />

that suggested that the ‘victim’ was in<br />

serious trouble. When Mixon used the ‘all-ornone’<br />

method he found that when it became<br />

perfectly clear that the experimenter believed the<br />

‘victim’ was being seriously harmed, all the actors<br />

tried to defy the experimenter’s commands.<br />

The ‘all-or-none’ analysis suggests that people will<br />

obey apparently inhumane commands in an experiment<br />

so long as there seem to be no good<br />

reasons to think that the experimental safeguards<br />

Chapter 21

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