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DEFINING VALIDITY 137<br />

generalization is problematical. For positivist<br />

researchers generalizability is a sine qua non,while<br />

this is attenuated in naturalistic research. For<br />

one school of thought, generalizability through<br />

stripping out contextual variables is fundamental,<br />

while, for another, generalizations that say<br />

little about the context have little that is<br />

useful to say about human behaviour (Schofield<br />

1990). For positivists variables have to be<br />

isolated and controlled, and samples randomized,<br />

while for ethnographers human behaviour is<br />

infinitely complex, irreducible, socially situated<br />

and unique.<br />

Generalizability in naturalistic research is<br />

interpreted as comparability and transferability<br />

(Lincoln and Guba 1985; Eisenhart and Howe<br />

1992: 647). These writers suggest that it is<br />

possible to assess the typicality of a situation – the<br />

participants and settings, to identify possible<br />

comparison groups, and to indicate how data might<br />

translate into different settings and cultures (see<br />

also LeCompte and Preissle 1993: 348). Schofield<br />

(1990: 200) suggests that it is important in<br />

qualitative research to provide a clear, detailed<br />

and in-depth description so that others can decide<br />

the extent to which findings from one piece of<br />

research are generalizable to another situation,<br />

i.e. to address the twin issues of comparability<br />

and translatability. Indeed, qualitative research<br />

can be generalizable (Schofield 1990: 209), by<br />

studying the typical (for its applicability to other<br />

situations – the issue of transferability: LeCompte<br />

and Preissle 1993: 324) and by performing<br />

multi-site studies (e.g. Miles and Huberman<br />

1984), though it could be argued that this is<br />

injecting a degree of positivism into non-positivist<br />

research. Lincoln and Guba (1985: 316) caution<br />

the naturalistic researcher against this; they argue<br />

that it is not the researcher’s task to provide<br />

an index of transferability; rather, they suggest,<br />

researchers should provide sufficiently rich data<br />

for the readers and users of research to determine<br />

whether transferability is possible. In this respect<br />

transferability requires thick description.<br />

Bogdan and Biklen (1992: 45) argue that<br />

generalizability, construed differently from its<br />

usage in positivist methodologies, can be addressed<br />

in qualitative research. Positivist researchers, they<br />

argue, are more concerned to derive universal<br />

statements of general social processes rather than<br />

to provide accounts of the degree of commonality<br />

between various social settings (e.g. schools and<br />

classrooms). Bogdan and Biklen (1992) are more<br />

interested not with the issue of whether their<br />

findings are generalizable in the widest sense but<br />

with the question of the settings, people and<br />

situations to which they might be generalizable.<br />

In naturalistic research threats to external<br />

validity include (Lincoln and Guba 1985:<br />

189, 300):<br />

selection effects: where constructs selected in<br />

fact are only relevant to a certain group<br />

setting effects: where the results are largely a<br />

function of their context<br />

history effects: where the situations have<br />

been arrived at by unique circumstances and,<br />

therefore, are not comparable<br />

construct effects: where the constructs being<br />

used are peculiar to a certain group.<br />

Content validity<br />

To demonstrate this form of validity the<br />

instrument must show that it fairly and<br />

comprehensively covers the domain or items<br />

that it purports to cover. It is unlikely that<br />

each issue will be able to be addressed in its<br />

entirety simply because of the time available or<br />

respondents’ motivation to complete, for example,<br />

a long questionnaire. If this is the case, then<br />

the researcher must ensure that the elements of<br />

the main issue to be covered in the research<br />

are both a fair representation of the wider issue<br />

under investigation (and its weighting) and that<br />

the elements chosen for the research sample<br />

are themselves addressed in depth and breadth.<br />

Careful sampling of items is required to ensure their<br />

representativeness. For example, if the researcher<br />

wished to see how well a group of students could<br />

spell 1,000 words in French but decided to have a<br />

sample of only 50 words for the spelling test, then<br />

that test would have to ensure that it represented<br />

the range of spellings in the 1,000 words – maybe<br />

by ensuring that the spelling rules had all been<br />

Chapter 6

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