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23<br />

Content analysis and grounded theory<br />

Introduction<br />

This chapter addresses two main forms of qualitative<br />

data analysis: content analysis and grounded<br />

theory, and provides two worked examples. Many<br />

qualitative data analysts undertake forms of content<br />

analysis. One of the enduring problems of<br />

qualitative data analysis is the reduction of copious<br />

amounts of written data to manageable and<br />

comprehensible proportions. Data reduction is a<br />

key element of qualitative analysis, performed in a<br />

way that attempts to respect the quality of the qualitative<br />

data. One common procedure for achieving<br />

this is content analysis, a process by which the<br />

‘many words of texts are classified into much fewer<br />

categories’ (Weber 1990: 15). The goal is to reduce<br />

the material in different ways (Flick 1998:<br />

192). Categories are usually derived from theoretical<br />

constructs or areas of interest devised in<br />

advance of the analysis (pre-ordinate categorization)<br />

rather than developed from the material<br />

itself, though these may be modified, of course, by<br />

reference to the empirical data.<br />

What is content analysis<br />

The term ‘content analysis’ is often used sloppily.<br />

In effect, it simply defines the process of<br />

summarizing and reporting written data – the<br />

main contents of data and their messages. More<br />

strictly speaking, it defines a strict and systematic<br />

set of procedures for the rigorous analysis,<br />

examination and verification of the contents of<br />

written data (Flick 1998: 192; Mayring 2004:<br />

266). Krippendorp (2004: 18) defines it as ‘a<br />

research technique for making replicable and valid<br />

inferences from texts (or other meaningful matter)<br />

to the contexts of their use’. Texts are defined as<br />

any written communicative materials which are<br />

intended to be read, interpreted and understood<br />

by people other than the analysts (Krippendorp<br />

2004: 30).<br />

Originally deriving from analysis of mass<br />

media and public speeches, the use of content<br />

analysis has spread to examination of any form<br />

of communicative material, both structured and<br />

unstructured. It may be ‘applied to substantive<br />

problems at the intersection of culture, social<br />

structure, and social interaction; used to generate<br />

dependent variables in experimental designs; and<br />

used to study groups as microcosms of society’<br />

(Weber 1990: 11). Content analysis can be<br />

undertaken with any written material, from<br />

documents to interview transcriptions, from media<br />

products to personal interviews. It is often used<br />

to analyse large quantities of text, facilitated by<br />

the systematic, rule-governed nature of content<br />

analysis, not least because this enables computerassisted<br />

analysis to be undertaken.<br />

Content analysis has several attractions. It is<br />

an unobtrusive technique (Krippendorp 2004: 40)<br />

in that one can observe without being observed<br />

(Robson 1993: 280). It focuses on language<br />

and linguistic features, meaning in context, is<br />

systematic and verifiable (e.g. in its use of codes<br />

and categories), as the rules for analysis are<br />

explicit, transparent and public (Mayring 2004:<br />

267–9). Further, as the data are in a permanent<br />

form (texts), verification through reanalysis and<br />

replication is possible.<br />

Many researchers see content analysis as an<br />

alternative to numerical analysis of qualitative<br />

data. But this is not so, although it is widely used<br />

as a device for extracting numerical data from<br />

word-based data. Indeed Anderson and Arsenault<br />

(1998: 101–2) suggest that content analysis can

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