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150 VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY<br />

Validity and reliability in interviews<br />

In interviews, inferences about validity are made<br />

too often on the basis of face validity (Cannell<br />

and Kahn 1968), that is, whether the questions<br />

asked lo<strong>ok</strong> as if they are measuring what they<br />

claim to measure. One cause of invalidity is bias,<br />

defined as ‘a systematic or persistent tendency<br />

to make errors in the same direction, that is,<br />

to overstate or understate the ‘‘true value’’ of<br />

an attribute’ (Lansing et al. 1961). One way of<br />

validating interview measures is to compare the<br />

interview measure with another measure that has<br />

already been shown to be valid. This kind of<br />

comparison is known as ‘convergent validity’. If<br />

the two measures agree, it can be assumed that the<br />

validity of the interview is comparable with the<br />

proven validity of the other measure.<br />

Perhaps the most practical way of achieving<br />

greater validity is to minimize the amount<br />

of bias as much as possible. The sources of<br />

bias are the characteristics of the interviewer,<br />

the characteristics of the respondent, and the<br />

substantive content of the questions. More<br />

particularly, these will include:<br />

the attitudes, opinions and expectations of the<br />

interviewer<br />

a tendency for the interviewer to see the<br />

respondent in his or her own image<br />

atendencyfortheinterviewertoseekanswers<br />

that support preconceived notions<br />

misperceptions on the part of the interviewer<br />

of what the respondent is saying<br />

misunderstandings on the part of the<br />

respondent of what is being asked.<br />

Studies have also shown that race, religion,<br />

gender, sexual orientation, status, social class and<br />

age in certain contexts can be potent sources of<br />

bias, i.e. interviewer effects (Lee 1993; Scheurich<br />

1995). Interviewers and interviewees alike bring<br />

their own, often unconscious, experiential and<br />

biographical baggage with them into the interview<br />

situation. Indeed Hitchcock and Hughes (1989)<br />

argue that because interviews are interpersonal,<br />

humans interacting with humans, it is inevitable<br />

that the researcher will have some influence on<br />

the interviewee and, thereby, on the data. Fielding<br />

and Fielding (1986: 12) make the telling comment<br />

that even the most sophisticated surveys only<br />

manipulate data that at some time had to be<br />

gained by asking people! Interviewer neutrality is<br />

a chimera (Denscombe 1995).<br />

Lee (1993) indicates the problems of conducting<br />

interviews perhaps at their sharpest, where the<br />

researcher is researching sensitive subjects, i.e.<br />

research that might pose a significant threat<br />

to those involved (be they interviewers or<br />

interviewees). Here the interview might be seen as<br />

an intrusion into private worlds, or the interviewer<br />

might be regarded as someone who can impose<br />

sanctions on the interviewee, or as someone who<br />

can exploit the powerless; the interviewee is in the<br />

searchlight that is being held by the interviewer<br />

(see also Scheurich 1995). Indeed Gadd (2004)<br />

reports that an interviewee may reduce his or<br />

her willingness to ‘open up’ to an interviewer<br />

if the dynamics of the interview situation are<br />

too threatening, taking the role of the ‘defended<br />

subject’. The issues also embrace transference and<br />

counter-transference, which have their basis in<br />

psychoanalysis. In transference the interviewees<br />

project onto the interviewer their feelings, fears,<br />

desires, needs and attitudes that derive from their<br />

own experiences (Scheurich 1995). In countertransference<br />

the process is reversed.<br />

One way of controlling for reliability is<br />

to have a highly structured interview, with<br />

the same format and sequence of words and<br />

questions for each respondent (Silverman 1993),<br />

though Scheurich (1995: 241–9) suggests that<br />

this is to misread the infinite complexity and<br />

open-endedness of social interaction. Controlling<br />

the wording is no guarantee of controlling the<br />

interview. Oppenheim (1992: 147) argues that<br />

wording is a particularly important factor in<br />

attitudinal questions rather than factual questions.<br />

He suggests that changes in wording, context<br />

and emphasis undermine reliability, because<br />

it ceases to be the same question for each<br />

respondent. Indeed he argues that error and<br />

bias can stem from alterations to wording,<br />

procedure, sequence, recording and rapport, and<br />

that training for interviewers is essential to

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