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RESEARCH METHOD COHEN ok

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40 THE NATURE OF INQUIRY<br />

central, role in initiating, facilitating, crystallizing<br />

and developing the meanings involved in, or<br />

stemming from, the research, i.e. the researcher<br />

is the one exercising power and influence.<br />

Ezzy (2002: 44) reports that, just as there is<br />

no single feminist methodology, both quantitative<br />

and qualitative methods are entirely legitimate.<br />

Indeed, Kelly (1978) argues that a feminist<br />

commitment should enter research at the stages of<br />

formulating the research topic and interpreting the<br />

results, but it should be left out during the stages<br />

of data collection and conduct of the research.<br />

Thapar-Björkert and Henry (2004) indicate<br />

that the researcher being an outsider might bring<br />

more advantages than if she were an insider. For<br />

example, being a white female researching nonwhite<br />

females may not be a handicap, as many<br />

non-white women might disclose information to<br />

white women that they would not disclose to a<br />

non-white person. Similarly, having interviewers<br />

and interviewees of the same racial and ethnic<br />

background does not mean that non-hierarchical<br />

relationships will still not be present. They also<br />

report that the categories of ‘insider’ and ‘outsider’<br />

were much more fuzzy than exclusive. Researchers<br />

are both ‘subject’ and ‘object’, and those being<br />

researched are both ‘observed’ and ‘observers’.<br />

De Laine (2000: 110) suggests that there<br />

is a division among feminists between those<br />

who advocate closeness in relationships between<br />

researchers and subjects – a human researching<br />

fellow humans – and those who advocate<br />

‘respectful distance’ between researchers and those<br />

being studied. Close relationships may turn into<br />

quasi-therapeutic situations rather than research<br />

(Duncombe and Jessop 2002: 111), yet it may<br />

be important to establish closeness in reaching<br />

deeper issues. Further, one has to question how far<br />

close relationships lead to reciprocal and mutual<br />

disclosure (p. 120). The debate is open: should the<br />

researcher share, be close and be prepared for more<br />

intimate social relations – a ‘feminist ethic of care’<br />

(p. 111) – or keep those cool, outsider relations<br />

which might objectify those being researched It<br />

is a moral as well as a methodological matter.<br />

The issue runs deep: the suggestion is that<br />

emotions and feelings are integral to the research,<br />

rather than to be built out of the research<br />

in the interests of objectivity (Edwards and<br />

Mauthner 2002: 19). Emotions should not be<br />

seen as disruptive of research or as irrelevant<br />

(De Laine 2000: 151–2), but central to it,<br />

just as they are central to human life. Indeed<br />

emotional responses are essential in establishing<br />

the veracity of inquiries and data, and the<br />

‘feminist communitarian model’ which De Laine<br />

(2000: 212–13) outlines values connectedness<br />

at several levels: emotions, emotionality and<br />

personal expressiveness, empathy. The egalitarian<br />

feminism that De Laine (2000: 108) and others<br />

advocate suggests a community of insiders in the<br />

same culture, in which empathy, reciprocity and<br />

egalitarianism are hallmarks.<br />

Swantz (1996: 134) argues that there may be<br />

some self-deception by the researcher in adopting<br />

a dual role as a researcher and one who shares<br />

the situation and interests of the participants.<br />

She questions the extent to which the researcher<br />

may be able to be genuinely involved with the<br />

participants in other than a peripheral way and<br />

whether, simply because the researcher may have<br />

‘superior knowledge’, a covert power differential<br />

may exist. De Laine (2000: 114) suggests that such<br />

superior knowledge may stem from the researcher’s<br />

own background in anthropology or ethnography,<br />

or simply more education. The primary purpose<br />

of the researcher is research, and that is different<br />

from the primary purpose of the participants.<br />

Further, the researcher’s desire for identification<br />

and solidarity with her research subjects may be<br />

pious but unrealistic optimism, not least because<br />

she may not share the same race, ethnicity,<br />

background, life chances, experiences or colour<br />

as those being researched. Indeed Gillies and<br />

Alldred (2002: 39–40) raise the question of how<br />

far researchers can, or should, try to represent<br />

groups to which they themselves do not belong,<br />

not least those groups without power or voice,<br />

as this, itself, is a form of colonization and<br />

oppression. Affinity, they argue (p. 40), is no<br />

authoritative basis for representative research.<br />

Even the notion of affinity becomes suspect when<br />

it overlo<strong>ok</strong>s, or underplays, the significance of<br />

difference, thereby homogenizing groups and their

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