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The Bible and the Dead Sea Scrolls: The ... - josephprestonkirk

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314 THE DIFFERING APPROACH TO A THEOLOGICAL HERITAGE<br />

<strong>the</strong>ological profile is more similar to that of o<strong>the</strong>r Nag Hammadi writings.<br />

78 And we can assume that <strong>the</strong> groups behind <strong>the</strong> tradition of various<br />

Nag Hammadi writings were also co-responsible for <strong>the</strong> redactional<br />

presentation of <strong>the</strong> Gospel of Thomas. To determine <strong>the</strong> early-Jewish traits<br />

<strong>and</strong> roots of earlier textual stages of <strong>the</strong> Gospel of Thomas on <strong>the</strong> basis of<br />

<strong>the</strong> texts available at <strong>the</strong> moment will have to remain speculative. 79<br />

5. A THEMATIC SIDE REMARK: THE GOSPEL OF JOHN,<br />

THE GOSPEL OF THOMAS, AND THE SO-CALLED<br />

QUESTIONOFTHEHISTORICAL JESUS<br />

In <strong>the</strong> study of <strong>the</strong> discoveries of Qumran, of <strong>the</strong> Gospel of John, <strong>and</strong> of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Gospel of Thomas, one question is always unconsciously involved: How<br />

can <strong>the</strong>se texts help us grasp <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> life, <strong>the</strong> words, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

deeds of Jesus? 80 I briefly discuss this topic in <strong>the</strong> present study. This<br />

78. Formally, <strong>the</strong> Gospel of Thomas is close to <strong>the</strong> Dialogue of <strong>the</strong> Savior. However, fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />

dialogue gospels, such as <strong>the</strong> Gospel of Philip, can also be seen as religious-historical<br />

points of comparison. Cf. Koester, History <strong>and</strong> Literature of Early Christianity,<br />

154–56; Martin Krause, “Der Dialog des Sotēr in Codex III von Nag Hammadi,” in<br />

Gnosis <strong>and</strong> Gnosticism: Papers Read at <strong>the</strong> Seventh International Conference on Patristic Studies<br />

(Oxford, September 8th–13th, 1975) (ed. M. Krause; NHS 8; Leiden: Brill, 1977),<br />

13–34, esp. 21–22, 33–34; Silke Petersen <strong>and</strong> Hans-Gebhard Bethge, “Der Dialog<br />

des Erlösers (NHC III,5),” in Nag Hammadi Deutsch: Eingeleitet und Übersetzt von<br />

Mitgliedern des Berliner Arbeitskreises für Koptisch-Gnostische Schriften (ed. H.-M. Schenke,<br />

H.-G. Bethge, <strong>and</strong> U. U. Kaiser; GCS NS 12; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2003),<br />

Pages 381–97, esp., 383.<br />

79. Even <strong>the</strong> said links of <strong>the</strong> Gospel of Thomas with <strong>the</strong> Apocryphon of John (NHC<br />

II,1), <strong>the</strong> Gospel of Philip (NHC II,3), <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Book of Thomas <strong>the</strong> Contender (NHC II,7)<br />

can merely be seen as indications of how <strong>the</strong> Gospel of Thomas was understood among<br />

<strong>the</strong> people behind <strong>the</strong> Nag Hammadi library. Cf. Schröter <strong>and</strong> Bethge, “Das<br />

Evangelium nach Thomas (NHC II,2),” 151–81, 161–62. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, we must recognize<br />

that <strong>the</strong> Nag Hammadi writings do not have a coherent <strong>the</strong>ological concept,<br />

nor can we attribute <strong>the</strong>m to a particular gnostic tradition.<br />

80. On <strong>the</strong> relevance of <strong>the</strong> findings at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Dead</strong> <strong>Sea</strong> for underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>the</strong> circumstances<br />

of living <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> intellectual environment of Jesus, see, e.g., James H.<br />

Charlesworth, “<strong>The</strong> <strong>Dead</strong> <strong>Sea</strong> <strong>Scrolls</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Historical Jesus,” in Jesus <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Dead</strong><br />

<strong>Sea</strong> <strong>Scrolls</strong> (ed. J. H. Charlesworth; ABRL; New York: Doubleday, 1995), 1–74;<br />

Joseph A. Fitzmyer, “<strong>The</strong> <strong>Dead</strong> <strong>Sea</strong> <strong>Scrolls</strong> <strong>and</strong> Christian Origins: General<br />

Methodological Considerations,” in <strong>The</strong> <strong>Dead</strong> <strong>Sea</strong> <strong>Scrolls</strong> <strong>and</strong> Christian Faith: In<br />

Celebration of <strong>the</strong> Jubilee Year of <strong>the</strong> Discovery of Qumran Cave I (ed. J. H. Charlesworth <strong>and</strong><br />

W. P. Weaver; Harrisburg: Trinity Press International, 1998), 1–19; Hartmut<br />

Stegemann, “Die Bedeutung der Qumranfunde für das Verständnis Jesu und des<br />

frühen Christentums,” BK 48 (1993): 10–19; John J. Collins, “Jesus, Messianism<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Dead</strong> <strong>Sea</strong> <strong>Scrolls</strong>,” in Qumran-Messianism: Studies on <strong>the</strong> Messianic Expectations in<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>Dead</strong> <strong>Sea</strong> <strong>Scrolls</strong> (ed. J. H. Charlesworth, H. Lichtenberger, <strong>and</strong> G. S. Oegema;

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