reynolds-the-quran-in-its-historical-context-2

414 Waleed Ahmedcharacterized as later amendments to the version communicated earlier in al-Ifijr(15) 51-77. 8As for the sources {pre-texts) against which the Qur'anic representation of the .incident of Lot's daughters took shape, we have two cases to consider in our.·analysis. In the first case study, we will presume that the Qur'iinic representationof the incident took shape against a cultural context {predominantly oral) that · ·agreed with the representation of the incident in the Jewish and Christian sources.: ..In the second case study, we will consider the case whether an oral narrative .differed from these sources, particularly with regard to the nature of Lot's offerthe Sodomites, was the backdrop of the Qur'iinic representation of the incident.A thorough review of the Jewish and Christian sources dating prior to the eighthcentury reveals that the Christian sources seem to have had no interest in (re)narrating the episode. 9 On the other hand, all the Jewish sources reviewed agree,8 Besides al-I;fiji' (15) 51-77 and Hiid (II) 69-83, the angels' visit to Abraham and Lot is recounted inthe Qur'iln in al-Dhiiriyiit (51) 24-37 and very concisely in a/- 'Ankabzit (29) 28-35. Both the accountsin al-Dhiiriyiit and a/- 'Ankabzit are also significantly less comprehensive compared to their counterpartin Hzid (II) 69-83. For example, al-Dhiiriyiit (51) 24-37 and a/- 'Ankabiit (29) 28-35 do not mentionAbraham's intercession in fuvor of the Sodomites. They also do not mention the incident of Lot'sdaughters. Moreover, in the instances where al-Dhiiriyiit and a/- 'Ankabzit relate the same story elementsas Hzid they are fairly concise; the delivery of the good tidings of a newborn to Abraham and the reactionof his wife Sarah is a good example (see al-Dhiiriyiit [51] 28-30 and a/- 'Ankabiit [29] J I incomparison to Hzid [II] 71-il). Neuwirth has already proven the tripartite structure-scheme of themiddle and late Meccan Siiras, to which Hzid belongs. See A. Neuwirth, Sudien zur Komposition der ·mekkanischen Suren, Berlin: de Gruyter, 1981. Hiid is one of the main illustrative examples inI am currently writing with the tentative title "Coherence and Intertextuality in the Qur'iln." Aintertextual reading of this Siira demonstrates that it is not only a cohesive text in terms of its fonnalcharacteristics, e.g. its structural markers and transition devices. It also exhibits topical unity that unifiesits three structural units. I will point here to some observations from the paper mentioned above whichshould serve the purpose of establishing the chronology of al-I;Iijr ( 15) 51-77 and Hzid (II) 69-83 withrespect to each other. The three passages which make up the composition of Hzid are as follows: vv.1-24 (the introductory part of the Siira), vv. 25-104 (narratives from salvation history pertaining to.Noah, Hiid, $alii), Abraham, Lot, Shu' ayb, and Moses), and vv. 105-123 (the concluding part of theSiira). The refutation of the accusations offabricating the revelations levelled against Mui)arnmad isundoubtedly the idea which gives Hiid its topical unity. This idea is affirmed directly and indirectly inthe three sections of the Siira: namely in Hiid(ll) 12-14, 17-18,28,35,49, 63, 88, llO, and 120.Among the tools the Siira employs in order to refute the accusations against Mui)arnmad are the narrativesfrom salvation history in its middle section. The Siira presents most of the prophets in these narratives,to use Michael Zwettler's expression, as "typological prefigurement[s]" of Mui)ammad'sprophetic mission. SeeM. Zwettler, "A Mantic Manifesto: the Siira of"The Poets" and the Qur'iinicfoundations of prophetic authority," in J.L. Kugel (ed.), Poetry and Prophecy: the Beginnings of aLiterary Tradition, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990, (75-119) 97.9 Besides the New Testament books I have examined a comprehensive group of Christian sources. Theseinclude, but are not limited to, Justin Martyr, First Apology of St. Justin for the Christians to Antoninus ·Pius, in J. Kaye, The First Apology of Justin Martyr: Addressed to the Emperor Antoninus Pius,Edinburgh: John Grant, 1912, 1:1-99; Clement of Alexandria, The Stromata, in Rev. W. Wilson, TheWritings of Clement of Alexandria, Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1867-69, 1:349-469, 2:1-542; Origen,Homilies on Genesis and Exodus, trans. Roland E. Heine, Washington, DC: The Catholic University ofAmerica Press, 1982; Ephrem the Syrian, The Armenian Commentary on Genesis Attributed to Eplzremthe Syrian, )rans. E.G. Mathews, Leuven: Peeters, 1998; Augustine, The City of God against the·Pagans, trans. D.S. Wiesen, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007.Lot's daughters in the Qur'an 415in fact the Biblical narrative directly suggests, that Lot, through his offer, exposedhis daughters to the sexual desires of the Sodomites in order to protect his maleguests from sexual abuse. 10 In view of this unified interpretation of the incident inJewish traditions, it is not necessary to consider all the Jewish sources reviewedas pre-texts in our analysis. Intertextuality here, and in fact generally, is to be differentiatedfrom source-influence criticism. Our concern is not to speculate on.thesource the Qur' iin is most closely related to. We are primarily interested in meaning.Therefore I will use Genesis 18:1-19:29, the narrative upon which all other Jewishtraditions concerning the episode were supposedly developed, as the pre-text.The first case studyVerse 71 of al-Ifijr reads: "He said: Here are my daughters, ifye must be doing(so)" (Qala ha 'ula 'i banafi in laintumfo 'ilin).U Even through a cursory reading,it is quite clear that this verse, on its own, does not convey definite meaning. Itdoes not explain what Lot meant when he offered his daughters to the f?odomites,i.e. the nature of his offer. On the textual level, the narrative before and after thisverse does not either. 12Although Arab grammarians insisted that the first segment of the verse, i.e. thephrase ha 'ula 'i banatz ("here are my daughters"), is grammatically a completesentence composed of a subject and a predicate, they also acknowledged that itdoes not communicate specific meaning on its own. For example, in his bookal-Durr al-ma$iinfi 'uliim al-kitab al-makniin, Al-Samin al~I;Ialabi (d. 596/1199-1200) insisted that it is imperative to supplement the verse with an additionalelement in order for it to convey definite meaning (la-b.udda min shay 'in mabdhiiftatimmii bihf al-fo 'ida)Y Arab grammarians suggested that this element, although10 See for example Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, 5th ed., ed. K. Elliger, R. Kittel, W. Rudolph, H.P.Ruger, A. Schenker and G.E. Wei!, Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1997, 24-27; FlaviusJosephus, The New Complete Works of Josephus, ed. W. Whiston and P.L. Maier, Grand Rapids, MI:Kregel Publications, 1999, 64-65; Targum Neofiti ], Genesis, ed. M. McNamara, Collegeville, MN:Liturgical Press, 1992, lA: 103-1 0; Targum Onkelos, ed. J.W. Etheridge, New York: Ktav PublishingHouse, 1968, 71. I have also examined works which represent comprehensive anthologies ofBiblicaland apocryphal traditions. See L. Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, Hildesheirn: Olrns, 1909,1:240-57; James L. Kugel, Traditions of the Bible: a Guide to the Bible as It Was at tlzeStartoftheCommon Era, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998, 331.11 All English translations of Qur'ilnic verses are according to Mui)arnmad M. Pickthall, TheMeaning of the Glorious Koran, New York: New American Library, 1953.12 The Qur'iln relates Lot's story, or hints at it, in the following instances: Qur'iln 53:53-54; 69:9-10;54:33-39; 37:133-138; 50:12-14; 26:160-175; 15:51-77; 38:12-14; 21:71-75; 27:54-58; 11:69-83; 11:89; 29:26--35; 7:80-84; 6:86-88; 22:42-44; 66:10-11 and 9:70. On the textual level, none·ofthese texts specifies the nature of Lot's offer. ·13 Shihab a!-Din Abii 1-' Abbas Al:unad b. Yiisuf al-ma' riifbi-1-SamTn al-I:IalabT, al-Durr al-ma$iinfi'ulzim al-kitiib al-maknzin, ed. Ai)mad Mui)ammad al-Kharrilt, Damascus: Dilr al-Qalam, 1986-91,7:173. A similar opinion is expressed in Mui)yT al-DTn Darwish, J'riib al-Qur'iin al-karimwa-bayiinuhu, Damascus and Beirut: al-Yamama and Dar Ibn Kathir, 1999, 14:206. Abii Ja'farAI:unad b. Mui)ammad al-Na!:U;tas (d. 338/950) implicitly expresses this opinion as well. He added