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SEXIS WRONG

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explicit texts and images.<br />

In both the 1950s and today, moral crusaders think they defend<br />

an otherwise virile, clean‐minded nation against an alien<br />

infection which coarsens and debilitates by unleashing “the<br />

virulence of sex.” In the 1920s, that phrase was a shibboleth<br />

of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice. It remains<br />

to be seen whether Michael Powell’s successor at the<br />

FCC, Kevin J. Martin, will resurrect it. Maybe he’ll prefer the<br />

connotations of “coarseness.” He undoubtedly will not allude<br />

to two examples of sanctioned sexual humiliations: those<br />

routinely inflicted on fraternity pledges and on Guantanamo<br />

and Baghdad prisoners of Operation Iraqi Freedom and the<br />

“War on Terror.”<br />

There are other possible, but highly improbable, targets. Frank<br />

Rich offers wonderfully infuriating examples of how sex’s most<br />

successful purveyors make financial and moral capital simultaneously.<br />

At the same time as Fox “News” plumps for decency,<br />

its sports division replays the one titillating ad in the 2005<br />

Super Bowl broadcast, as well as gyrating Playboy bunnies,<br />

on its “Funhouse Fox of the Week” website.<br />

Adelphia Communications, ardent supporter of<br />

homophobic, pro‐life Senator Rick Santorum,<br />

offers XXX cable porn, as does Comcast, prime<br />

contributor to George W. Bush. 24 As of March<br />

2005, five of the Senate’s most indignant critics<br />

of “the coarseness of our culture” had accepted<br />

campaign contributions from the Marriott and<br />

Holiday Inn hotel chains, which realize enormous<br />

profits from hardcore movies offered in their<br />

rooms. 25 Contributions from Comcast, Time<br />

Warner Cable, Charter Communications, Cablevision, EchoStar<br />

(parent company of the DISH Network), and DIRECTV, all of<br />

which draw enormous profits from adult programming, regularly<br />

are gratefully accepted by members of Congress.<br />

This kind of hypocrisy is common because of the prurient<br />

curiosity with which sex, the ultimate and universal form of<br />

human intimacy, is bonded. As long as this is so, sex will<br />

be integral with money and power in America. If “sex is like<br />

money” is a stupefyingly twisted maxim, money does flow<br />

from the deep mine of profit yielded from the bonding of sex<br />

with prurience. Just follow the career of any twentieth-century<br />

bookseller who supplemented general literature and magazines<br />

with erotica and thenceforward flourished: Eddie Mishkin,<br />

Irving Klaw, and Bob Brown (New York), James Delacey<br />

(Boston), Horace Townsend (Philadelphia), Lou Saxton (Pittsburgh),<br />

Reuben Sturman (Cleveland), Mike Thevis (Atlanta),<br />

Harry Schwartz (Milwaukee), Stanley Rose (Los Angeles), N.<br />

M. Gordon (Hollywood).<br />

Almost any event in which the subject becomes notorious<br />

conceals a kaleidoscope of motives. Those ran close to the<br />

surface in the Clinton impeachment scandal, in which the<br />

President was shamed with oral sex, former judge Kenneth<br />

Starr’s report became a pornographic milestone, William Bennett<br />

despaired that Americans could not share his moral indignation,<br />

and the sanctimonious Newt Gingrich’s and Henry<br />

Hyde’s affairs were exposed by Larry Flynt. 26<br />

As of March 2005, five of the<br />

Senate’s most indignant critics of<br />

“the coarseness of our culture” had<br />

accepted campaign contributions<br />

from the Marriott and Holiday Inn<br />

hotel chains, which realize enormous<br />

profits from hardcore movies offered<br />

in their rooms.<br />

For perspective, let’s take a look at a major celebrity event of<br />

1953: the headline‐grabbing vice trial of one Mickey Jelke, a<br />

wealthy young playboy who, awaiting his large inheritance to<br />

come due, had been for several months pimping café-society<br />

showgirls. No one revealed the concealed motives governing<br />

the way Jelke’s trial was conducted, but at least some of<br />

them can be surmised. The presiding judge refused to allow<br />

the press to cover testimony of the District Attorney’s glamorous<br />

star witness. He said that the sexually explicit details<br />

would debauch the impressionable young people of Manhattan.<br />

Regardless of First Amendment principles, it was wrong,<br />

he opined, to allow sensational tabloid coverage of “proceedings...permeated<br />

with crimes and acts of a salacious or sexual<br />

nature.” The ruling was patently absurd, given what was<br />

available in theaters, on newsstands, and on TV screens. It<br />

earned Judge Valente shouts of derision from the New York<br />

dailies. With it, however, several famous actors and performers<br />

on both coasts (Mickey Rooney, Bob Hope, George Raft,<br />

Joey Adams, and Martha Ray were some of those who might<br />

have been involved), and especially their agents (whose way<br />

of doing business was a template for the accused), breathed<br />

easier, as did the owners of midtown nightclubs and Hollywood<br />

studios. 27<br />

Protecting Jelke’s more seasoned associates in “vice” was<br />

especially incongruous in light of the presiding judge’s decision<br />

that the convicted Jelke couldn’t be released on bail<br />

pending his sentencing. His Honor singled out the hapless<br />

playboy as in need of an immediate start on rehabilitation, for<br />

he had been “flagrantly oblivious to the barest standards of<br />

decency in his personal relationships.” Apparently, the distinction<br />

between Jelke and the more veteran and well-connected<br />

members of the café-society crowd was the flagrancy angle,<br />

THERE HAS BEEN NO SEXUAL REVOLUTION 313

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