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explicit texts and images.<br />
In both the 1950s and today, moral crusaders think they defend<br />
an otherwise virile, clean‐minded nation against an alien<br />
infection which coarsens and debilitates by unleashing “the<br />
virulence of sex.” In the 1920s, that phrase was a shibboleth<br />
of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice. It remains<br />
to be seen whether Michael Powell’s successor at the<br />
FCC, Kevin J. Martin, will resurrect it. Maybe he’ll prefer the<br />
connotations of “coarseness.” He undoubtedly will not allude<br />
to two examples of sanctioned sexual humiliations: those<br />
routinely inflicted on fraternity pledges and on Guantanamo<br />
and Baghdad prisoners of Operation Iraqi Freedom and the<br />
“War on Terror.”<br />
There are other possible, but highly improbable, targets. Frank<br />
Rich offers wonderfully infuriating examples of how sex’s most<br />
successful purveyors make financial and moral capital simultaneously.<br />
At the same time as Fox “News” plumps for decency,<br />
its sports division replays the one titillating ad in the 2005<br />
Super Bowl broadcast, as well as gyrating Playboy bunnies,<br />
on its “Funhouse Fox of the Week” website.<br />
Adelphia Communications, ardent supporter of<br />
homophobic, pro‐life Senator Rick Santorum,<br />
offers XXX cable porn, as does Comcast, prime<br />
contributor to George W. Bush. 24 As of March<br />
2005, five of the Senate’s most indignant critics<br />
of “the coarseness of our culture” had accepted<br />
campaign contributions from the Marriott and<br />
Holiday Inn hotel chains, which realize enormous<br />
profits from hardcore movies offered in their<br />
rooms. 25 Contributions from Comcast, Time<br />
Warner Cable, Charter Communications, Cablevision, EchoStar<br />
(parent company of the DISH Network), and DIRECTV, all of<br />
which draw enormous profits from adult programming, regularly<br />
are gratefully accepted by members of Congress.<br />
This kind of hypocrisy is common because of the prurient<br />
curiosity with which sex, the ultimate and universal form of<br />
human intimacy, is bonded. As long as this is so, sex will<br />
be integral with money and power in America. If “sex is like<br />
money” is a stupefyingly twisted maxim, money does flow<br />
from the deep mine of profit yielded from the bonding of sex<br />
with prurience. Just follow the career of any twentieth-century<br />
bookseller who supplemented general literature and magazines<br />
with erotica and thenceforward flourished: Eddie Mishkin,<br />
Irving Klaw, and Bob Brown (New York), James Delacey<br />
(Boston), Horace Townsend (Philadelphia), Lou Saxton (Pittsburgh),<br />
Reuben Sturman (Cleveland), Mike Thevis (Atlanta),<br />
Harry Schwartz (Milwaukee), Stanley Rose (Los Angeles), N.<br />
M. Gordon (Hollywood).<br />
Almost any event in which the subject becomes notorious<br />
conceals a kaleidoscope of motives. Those ran close to the<br />
surface in the Clinton impeachment scandal, in which the<br />
President was shamed with oral sex, former judge Kenneth<br />
Starr’s report became a pornographic milestone, William Bennett<br />
despaired that Americans could not share his moral indignation,<br />
and the sanctimonious Newt Gingrich’s and Henry<br />
Hyde’s affairs were exposed by Larry Flynt. 26<br />
As of March 2005, five of the<br />
Senate’s most indignant critics of<br />
“the coarseness of our culture” had<br />
accepted campaign contributions<br />
from the Marriott and Holiday Inn<br />
hotel chains, which realize enormous<br />
profits from hardcore movies offered<br />
in their rooms.<br />
For perspective, let’s take a look at a major celebrity event of<br />
1953: the headline‐grabbing vice trial of one Mickey Jelke, a<br />
wealthy young playboy who, awaiting his large inheritance to<br />
come due, had been for several months pimping café-society<br />
showgirls. No one revealed the concealed motives governing<br />
the way Jelke’s trial was conducted, but at least some of<br />
them can be surmised. The presiding judge refused to allow<br />
the press to cover testimony of the District Attorney’s glamorous<br />
star witness. He said that the sexually explicit details<br />
would debauch the impressionable young people of Manhattan.<br />
Regardless of First Amendment principles, it was wrong,<br />
he opined, to allow sensational tabloid coverage of “proceedings...permeated<br />
with crimes and acts of a salacious or sexual<br />
nature.” The ruling was patently absurd, given what was<br />
available in theaters, on newsstands, and on TV screens. It<br />
earned Judge Valente shouts of derision from the New York<br />
dailies. With it, however, several famous actors and performers<br />
on both coasts (Mickey Rooney, Bob Hope, George Raft,<br />
Joey Adams, and Martha Ray were some of those who might<br />
have been involved), and especially their agents (whose way<br />
of doing business was a template for the accused), breathed<br />
easier, as did the owners of midtown nightclubs and Hollywood<br />
studios. 27<br />
Protecting Jelke’s more seasoned associates in “vice” was<br />
especially incongruous in light of the presiding judge’s decision<br />
that the convicted Jelke couldn’t be released on bail<br />
pending his sentencing. His Honor singled out the hapless<br />
playboy as in need of an immediate start on rehabilitation, for<br />
he had been “flagrantly oblivious to the barest standards of<br />
decency in his personal relationships.” Apparently, the distinction<br />
between Jelke and the more veteran and well-connected<br />
members of the café-society crowd was the flagrancy angle,<br />
THERE HAS BEEN NO SEXUAL REVOLUTION 313