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has also influenced the prevailing view. As Riley claims it is the first published account<br />

of Leibniz’s definition of justice as charity of the wise and thus represents the<br />

introduction of his mature and definitive account of justice. 75 Like most commentators,<br />

Riley bestows a privileged position for justice as the charity of the wise. Let us now<br />

determine whether that privilege is warranted.<br />

Section 4: Preface to the Codex Juris Gentium Diplomaticus<br />

The Codex Juris Gentium Diplomaticus (Diplomatic Code of the Right of Nations,<br />

1693) is, according to Riley, “a collection of medieval documents supporting the position<br />

of the Empire against the French” (RC 165). Leibniz edited this volume and wrote a<br />

preface for it which outlines, as he puts it, “the true sources of the right of nature and of<br />

nations.” 76 For the most part, the preface is but a review of the sources already<br />

established in the Nova Methodus, in the Elementa, and in his papers of the late 70’s. But<br />

the particular value of this preface is that it contains his mature definition of justice and<br />

shows how the theoretical grounds of right may be applied to international law. Here we<br />

can discern a quasi-demonstrative line of thought that begins with right, proceeds to<br />

caritas sapientis, and ends with the three precepts of right.<br />

Leibniz begins by addressing some of the difficulties, both theoretical and practical,<br />

that result in perpetual conflict among states. For instance, treaties among nations are so<br />

often broken that the prevailing condition may be aptly described as Hobbesian—<br />

although Hobbes’ theoretical grounds should be rejected.<br />

From which the subtle author of the Elementa de Cive drew the conclusion<br />

that between different states and peoples there is a perpetual war; a<br />

conclusion, indeed, which is not altogether absurd, provided it refer not to<br />

a right to do harm, but to take proper precautions. Thus it is that peace<br />

with a powerful enemy can be nothing else than a breathing-space of two<br />

gladiators, and sometimes does not even have the character of a truce. 77<br />

This expresses, among other things, Leibniz’s understanding of and opposition to<br />

Hobbes. Leibniz basically thinks that Hobbes’ theory of natural right amounts to nothing<br />

else than the right to take precautions against harm. But then this is a condition of<br />

perpetual war among nation states, since there is no sovereign to which they all may<br />

transfer their right of nature. Leibniz is not naive or overly optimistic about international<br />

relations, but he thinks that Hobbes’ theoretical grounds are just not at all sound. On<br />

Hobbes’ theory there is no sense of even talking about treaties, since they are merely<br />

breathing spaces between battles of will and power. Nor is it possible on this basis to<br />

establish the rights of the vanquished who are often abused and shamed under the<br />

imposition of unfair conditions. Interestingly, in view of this condition of perpetual war<br />

75<br />

For example, see Riley’s article in Leibniz Review (2006) p. 187 and 189, and his Leibniz’s Universal<br />

Jurisprudence (1996) p. 3.<br />

76<br />

A.4.6.50: “veri juris naturae gentiumque fontes.”<br />

77<br />

A.4.5.50-1: “Hinc Elementorum de Cive s criptor acutissimus judicabat inter civitates diversas aut gentes,<br />

perpetuum esse bellum; non sane prorsus absurde; si modo ea doctrina non ad jus nocendi, sed ad<br />

prudentiam cavendi referatur. Ita fit, ut pax cum praevalido hoste, velut duorum gladiatorum respiratio sit,<br />

atque interdum ne quidem pro induciis valeat.”<br />

127

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