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ewarded, then few will make them. So, while distributions of wealth are conditioned by<br />

merit and advantage, the conditions themselves are subject to agreement. 91<br />

A final remark on distributive justice pertains to whether strict right may be<br />

violated for the sake of the general utility. Leibniz says it may not be, precisely for the<br />

sake of the general utility. For example, he says it is not permitted to deprive the rich in<br />

order to give to the poor; nor is it permitted to take a coat that belongs to one person in<br />

order to give it to another who better fits it. Right of possession takes precedence over<br />

distributive justice, since, if one cannot be secure in one’s rights, then “the disorder<br />

which would be born of it would cause more general evil and inconvenience” (RM 64).<br />

This seems to be a fairly consistent position for Leibniz, although he also grants<br />

exceptions in extreme cases. In any case, we may now bring Leibniz’s account of the first<br />

two degrees to a close, having set out the basic “common notions” involved in the idea of<br />

justice, namely, equality and equity. What remains to be explained is the virtue of justice,<br />

which falls under the third degree of right—piety.<br />

Section 6: The third degree of right: Piety and the spiritual disposition<br />

The third degree, honeste vivere, or live honorably, piously, is the most complex<br />

of the degrees of right, since it appears to involve motives whose moral aims are mutually<br />

inconsistent: the motives of hope and fear versus the aims of true piety; the motives of<br />

pleasure and happiness, versus the motive of doing justice for its own sake. For the most<br />

part, though, his arguments attempt to synthesize several of his long-standing positions<br />

under the principle of perfection, specifically, moral perfection or virtue. The highest<br />

good is the “spiritual disposition,” which is to have the virtue of justice for its own sake.<br />

God is the most virtuous being, since he acts out of his own moral-rational nature. Our<br />

duty then is to imitate this model of virtue. The third degree of right, then, piety, will be<br />

rightly understood as the agent’s possession of the virtue resembling God’s. To make this<br />

case we will examine passages relating to piety in both the Monita and the Meditation,<br />

since pity involves both the “efficient cause” of natural right as well as the “spiritual<br />

disposition.” Finally, we will reassess the implications of these points in relation to the<br />

theme of right as a self-limiting moral power. It becomes clear that moral perfection has<br />

the object of an original agreement in a suitably defined initial situation” (Rawls 684). “They are the<br />

principles that free and rational persons concerned to further their own interests would accept in an initial<br />

position of equality as defining the fundamental terms of their association. These principles are to regulate<br />

all further agreements” (Rawls 672). “All social values—liberty and opportunity, income and wealth, and<br />

the bases of self-respect—are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any, or all, of these<br />

values is to everyone’s advantage” (678). Notably, Rawls states that Leibniz’s theory of justice is based on<br />

the idea that the distribution of goods is relative only to the moral worth of individuals, so that the morally<br />

good deserve more than the morally bad (he gets this from a remark in “The Ultimate Origin of Things”);<br />

but ‘justice as fairness’ has no place for that, since justice requires the “legitimate expectation” that<br />

distribution will proceed by publicly recognized rules, not some impossibly vague criteria for moral worth<br />

(p. 273). But arguably this characterization is much too simple to be accurate.<br />

91 Such a meritocracy, however, remains open to the criticism that those who merit may leave a legacy of<br />

advantage over those who do not, and those with natural disadvantages will be left to suffer; the advantaged<br />

may then more easily gain political power and design laws for themselves to retain their advantages—thus,<br />

gross inequalities may eventually result from a system that professes fairness for all, as often happens.<br />

Perhaps Leibniz would say that such a system is justified, as long as it also provides mechanisms for<br />

redistribution in case of ever-worsening conditions.<br />

232

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