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Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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(252) a. Wati zouden hem nou [NP ti voor een boeken] bevallen?<br />

what would him PRT for a books please<br />

‘What kind <strong>of</strong> books would please him?’<br />

b. *Wati zouden [NP ti voor een boeken]j hem nou tj bevallen?<br />

Binominal constructions 663<br />

When we are dealing with a monadic unaccusative verb, the wat voor split is<br />

possible also, but only in the expletive construction. This can be accounted for by<br />

assuming that in expletive constructions, the regular subject position is filled by the<br />

expletive er, so the nominative argument must occupy its base position in (253a).<br />

Example (253b) is ungrammatical since er must be present when the indefinite<br />

subject remains in its base position. Example (253c), finally, is ungrammatical since<br />

the nominative argument has been moved into the regular position, <strong>and</strong> hence<br />

invokes a violation <strong>of</strong> the freezing principle.<br />

(253) a. Wati zijn er gisteren [NP ti voor mensen] aangekomen?<br />

what are there yesterday for people prt.-arrived<br />

‘What kind <strong>of</strong> people have arrived yesterday?’<br />

b. *? Wati zijn gisteren [NP ti voor mensen] aangekomen?<br />

c. *Wati zijn [NP ti voor mensen]j gisteren tj aangekomen?<br />

Note, however, that there is a caveat in order here. In (253) <strong>and</strong> in the examples<br />

below, we abstract away from the fact that expletive er can be dropped when certain<br />

adverbial phrases are present. A typical example involves the place adverb daar<br />

‘there’ in (254); see Section 8.1.4 for discussion. The fact that the wat voor remnant<br />

is placed after the adverb daar suggests that in this example the indefinite subject<br />

also occupies its base position.<br />

(254) Wat zijn (er) daar voor mensen aangekomen?<br />

what are there there for people prt.-arrived<br />

‘What kind <strong>of</strong> people have arrived there?’<br />

The wat voor split can be sensitive to the semantic type <strong>of</strong> the predicate,<br />

especially the distinction between °stage-level <strong>and</strong> individual-level predicates.<br />

Whereas the former <strong>of</strong>ten allow the expletive construction, the latter do not due to<br />

the fact that they block an existential reading <strong>of</strong> the subject noun phrase; see<br />

Hartmann (2008: §1.4) for a review <strong>of</strong> the literature. Therefore, it is not surprising<br />

that in a copular construction (which is always an unaccusative construction), the<br />

adjectival predicate determines whether wat voor split is possible or not. A typical<br />

stage-level predicate like beschikbaar ‘available’ allows the wat voor split whereas<br />

an individual-level predicate like waterdicht ‘waterpro<strong>of</strong>’ does not; see Section<br />

5.1.5.1.3, sub I) for exceptions. Example (255b) with er is unacceptable because the<br />

individual-level predicate waterdicht does not license an existential reading <strong>of</strong> the<br />

noun phrase schoenen ‘shoes’ <strong>and</strong> is therefore not possible in an expletive<br />

construction. Finally, (255b′) without er is ungrammatical due to the freezing<br />

principle.

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