Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library
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Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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Binominal constructions 609<br />

b. Ik heb er nog [een kilo *(<strong>of</strong> twee) [e]]. [MN]<br />

I have ER still a kilo or two<br />

‘I have still got about two kilos <strong>of</strong> it.’<br />

b′. *Ik heb er nog [een liter *(<strong>of</strong> twee) [e]].<br />

I have ER still a liter or two<br />

c. *Ik heb er nog [een doos (<strong>of</strong> twee) [e]]. [ConN]<br />

I have ER still a box or two<br />

d. *Ik heb er nog [een reep (<strong>of</strong> twee) [e]]. [PartN]<br />

I have ER still a bar or two<br />

e. *Ik heb er nog [een kudde (<strong>of</strong> twee) [e]]. [ColN]<br />

I have ER still a herd or two<br />

Note that the intended contentions <strong>of</strong> the ungrammatical examples can be expressed<br />

by means <strong>of</strong> the examples in (91), in which N2 is simply left implicit. This is<br />

impossible with quantifier nouns like paar, which is typically preceded by the<br />

unstressed indefinite article een ‘a’; the noun paar in (90a) can only be interpreted<br />

as a collective noun, which is typically preceded by a numeral in this context.<br />

(91) a. Ik heb nog één/ *? een paar. [QN]<br />

I have still one/a couple<br />

b. Ik heb nog twee liter(s). [MN]<br />

I have still two liter<br />

c. Ik heb nog twee dozen. [ConN]<br />

I have still two boxes<br />

d. Ik heb nog twee repen. [PartN]<br />

I have still two bars<br />

e. Ik heb nog twee kuddes. [ColN]<br />

I have still two herds<br />

Example (92a) shows that QCs headed by the quantifier noun aantal may<br />

trigger either singular or plural agreement on the finite verb (cf. Section 4.1.1.2.1),<br />

<strong>and</strong> the same thing is shown for the measure noun kilo in (92b). The primed<br />

counterparts with quantitative er, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, are compatible with plural<br />

agreement only, which shows that in these constructions the verb agrees with the<br />

phonetically empty N2 that we postulated for these constructions. We added<br />

example (92c) to show that in constructions without quantitative er agreement is<br />

always triggered by N1.<br />

(92) a. Daar lopen/loopt nog een aantal studenten.<br />

there walkpl/sg still a couple [<strong>of</strong>] students<br />

a′. Daar lopen/*loopt er nog [een aantal [e]].<br />

there walkpl/sg ER still a couple<br />

b. Daar liggen/ligt nog een kilo <strong>of</strong> twee appels.<br />

there liepl/sg still a kilo or two [<strong>of</strong>] apples<br />

b′. Daar liggen/*ligt er nog [een kilo <strong>of</strong> twee [e]].<br />

there liepl/sg ER still a kilo or two<br />

c. Daar ligt/*liggen nog een kilo <strong>of</strong> twee.<br />

there liepl/sg still a kilo or two

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