Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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(74) a. vier kilo kaas b. vier kilo’s kaas four kilo [of] cheese four kilos [of] cheese a′. [[vier kilo] kaas] b′. [vier [kilo’s kaas]] Binominal constructions 603 It seems that a similar analysis can be given to the examples in (73b), repeated below as (75): in (75a), the complex quantifier een aantal kilo functions as N1 with kaas functioning as N2; in (75b), on the other hand, aantal functions as N1 and kilo’s kaas is an embedded QC. (75) a. een aantal kilo kaas b. een aantal kilo’s kaas a number [of] kilo [of] cheese a number [of] kilos [of] cheese a′. [[een aantal kilo] kaas] b′. [een aantal [kilo’s kaas]] Independent evidence in favor of the analyses in the primed examples can be found in the examples in (76), which involve °quantitative er. The contrast between the examples can be accounted for by the fact that the elided part corresponds to a single constituent in (76b), but not in (76a). (76) a. ?? Jan heeft [[vier kilo] [kaas]] en ik heb er [vijf [e]]. Jan has four kilo [of] cheese and I have ER five b. Jan heeft [vier [kilo’s kaas]] en ik heb er [vijf [e]]. Jan has four kilos [of] cheese and I have ER five The other examples in (73) are ambiguous in the same way. We will show this for container nouns. Consider the examples in (77). In (77a) the QC just indicates an amount of sugar, and we are therefore dealing with a complex quantifier vier/een paar zakken ‘four/a couple of bags’, as indicated in (77a′). In (77b), on the other hand, we are dealing with a number of bags that contain sugar, and the phrase zakken suiker is therefore a QC embedded in a larger QC, as indicated in (77b′). (77) a. Er zitten vier/een paar zakken suiker in de marmelade. there sits four/a couple [of] sacks [of] sugar in the marmalade ‘The marmalade contains four/a couple of bags of sugar.’ a′. [[vier/een paar zakken] suiker] b. Er staan vier/een paar zakken suiker op tafel. there stand four/a couple [of] bags [of] sugar on the.table ‘Four/a couple of bags of sugar stand on the table.’ b′. [vier/een paar [zakken suiker]] From this we can conclude that (73b) does not provide evidence against the claim that QCs headed by a purely quantificational N1 cannot be embedded within a larger QC. The apparent counterexample een aantal kilo suiker can be analyzed as involving a complex quantifier and therefore need not be considered a recursive QC. Note that the fact that (73a) does not allow an interpretation involving a complex quantifier is consistent with the fact that quantifier nouns cannot be preceded by a numeral either: *vier hoop/hopen mensen ‘*four lots of people’. In (78) we give examples of recursive QCs, in which N1 is a measure noun. We find the same contrast as in (73): whereas container, part and collective nouns can be used as the N1 of an embedded QC, quantifier nouns cannot. The sign “$”
604 Syntax of Dutch: nouns and noun phrases indicates that the examples in (73c&e) are weird due to our knowledge of the world: boxes of matches normally do not come in units of a kilo, and it is not common to add up collections of entities until they have a certain weight. The main difference between the examples in (73) and (78) concerns the measure nouns: a measure noun cannot be followed by another measure noun in the singular. This supports our earlier claim that a QC headed by a purely quantificational N1 cannot be embedded in a larger QC: the unacceptability of (78b) is due to the fact that there is no complex quantifier *een kilo ons. Example (78b′), on the other hand, seems acceptable despite being marked due to the fact that it is difficult to conceptualize and the intended meaning can be more readily expressed by means of the phrase tien onsjes kaas ‘the ounces of cheese’. (78) a. *een kilo hoop kaas a kilo [of] lot [of] cheese b. *een kilo ons kaas a kilo [of] ounce [of] cheese b′. ? een kilo onsjes kaas a kilo [of] ounces [of] cheese c. $ een kilo doosjes lucifers a kilo [of] boxes [of] matches d. een kilo plakjes kaas a kilo [of] slices [of] cheese e. $ een kilo kolonies mieren a kilo [of] colonies [of] ants In (79) to (81), we give similar examples for container, part and collective nouns. The examples in (79) show that container nouns behave just like measure nouns. Example (79e) may again be weird for reasons concerning our knowledge of the world, but seems otherwise completely well-formed. (79) a. *een doos hoop kaas a box [of] lot [of] cheese b. *een doos kilo kaas a box [of] kilo [of] cheese b′. ? een doos kilo’s kaas a box [of] kilos [of] cheese c. een doos pakjes lucifers a box [of] boxes [of] matches d. een schaal plakjes kaas a dish [of] slices [of] cheese e. $ een vrachtwagen kolonies mieren a truck [of] colonies [of] ants The part nouns in (80) cannot readily be used as the N1 of a recursive QC. This is, of course, due to the fact that they can only be followed by a non-count noun while the referential N1s heading the embedded QCs are count nouns.
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Chapter 6 Numerals and quantifiers
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Numerals and quantifiers 871 comple
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(24) a. Er ligt/*liggen nog drie me
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(64) The ordinal numerals 1 st to 1
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Numerals and quantifiers 907 6.2.3.
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c. Hij is een enig kind. he is a cu
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Numerals and quantifiers 931 everyd
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Syntactic uses of noun phrases 1053
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References Aarts, Bas. 1994. The sy
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References 1153 eds. Hans Broekhuis
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References 1155 De Jong, Francisca
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References 1157 Haeseryn, Walter, K
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References 1159 Longobardi, Giusepp
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References 1161 Schultink, H. 1978.
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References 1163 Zwarts, Frans. 1981
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Comprehensive Grammar Resources - t
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