Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

938 Syntax of Dutch: nouns and noun phrases
The movement analysis also accounts for the fact that quantitative er normally
precedes the noun phrase it is associated with: given that er is extracted from the
noun phrase, the unacceptability of example (209b) is simply the result of °freezing,
the fact that a phrase from which some element is extracted is frozen in place.
(209) a. Jan heeft eri [één [ ti ]] meegenomen.
Jan has ER one with-taken
‘Jan has taken one of them with him.’
b. *Jan heeft [één [ ti ]]j eri tj meegenomen.
Of course, some proviso must be made for the observation that in (206)
topicalization of the remnant of the noun phrase is possible, by taking recourse to
some notion of reconstruction. The clause-boundedness of the relation between
quantitative er and its nominal associate, illustrated in (207), follows from the fact
that scrambling is likewise clause-bound.
The claim that quantitative er is pronominal and thus has referential properties
is supported by the examples in (210). Example (210a) simply shows that
quantitative er associated with a direct object can readily precede an indefinite
indirect object. Example (210b) shows that this is not possible when the indirect
object contains a noun phrase that denotes the same entities as the quantified noun
phrase; cf. Coppen (1991). This would immediately follow from °binding condition
C if er is co-referential with (that is, binds) the referential noun phrase embedded in
the indirect object. The ungrammaticality of (210b) thus supports the claim that
quantitative er is referential.
(210) a. Hij vertelde eri iemand [drie [ ti ]].
he told ER someone three
‘He told three [= jokes] to someone.’
b. *Hij vertelde eri iemand die geen grapi kan waarderen [drie [ ti ]].
he told ER someone who no joke can appreciate three
Intended reading: ‘He told three jokes to someone who cannot appreciate a joke.’
A powerful argument in favor of the movement analysis is that the restrictions
on the relation between quantitative er and its nominal associate resemble those
between a moved element and its trace. First, the examples in (211b&c) show that
quantitative er cannot be associated with a single noun phrase in a coordinate
structure, whereas (211d) shows that it can occur when it is associated with both
noun phrases. Similar facts have been described for movement; cf. °Coordinate
Structure Constraint and °Across-the-Board movement.
(211) a. Jan heeft [[twee postzegels uit Thailand] en [drie postzegels uit China]].
Jan has two stamps from Thailand and three stamps from China
b. *Jan heeft eri [[twee postzegels uit Thailand] en [drie [ ti ] uit China]].
Jan has ER two stamps from Thailand and three from China
c. *Jan heeft eri [[twee [ ti ] uit Thailand] en [drie postzegels uit China]].
Jan has ER two from Thailand and three stamps from China
d. Jan heeft eri [[twee [ ti ] uit Thailand] en [drie [ ti ] uit China]].
Jan has ER two from Thailand and three from China