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Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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Binominal constructions 579<br />

<strong>of</strong> indefinite phrases into clause-initial position triggers a partitive reading, which<br />

may be more readily available on the referential reading <strong>of</strong> N1.<br />

(11) a. Er demonstreert/demonstreren een aantal studenten.<br />

there protestssg/protestpl a number [<strong>of</strong>] students<br />

‘A number <strong>of</strong> students are demonstrating.’<br />

b. Een aantal studenten demonstreert/demonstreren.<br />

a number [<strong>of</strong>] students protestssg/protestpl<br />

‘A number <strong>of</strong> students are demonstrating.’<br />

When N1 is a measure noun, there are also two options: in (12), the verb may exhibit<br />

singular agreement, in which case it agrees with the singular N1 kilo ‘kilo’, or plural<br />

agreement, in which case it agrees with the plural N2 appels ‘apples’. To our ear,<br />

the primeless examples are equally good, whereas the primed examples with the QC<br />

in clause-initial position, which is always somewhat marked, clearly prefer singular<br />

agreement.<br />

(12) a. Er ligt een kilo appels op tafel.<br />

there liessg a kilosg [<strong>of</strong>] apples on the.table<br />

a′. ? Een kilo appels ligt op tafel.<br />

b. Er liggen een kilo appels op tafel.<br />

there liepl a kilo [<strong>of</strong>] applespl on the.table<br />

b′. *Een kilo appels liggen op tafel.<br />

This suggests that in this case we are also dealing with an ambiguity between a<br />

purely quantificational <strong>and</strong> a more referential reading <strong>of</strong> the noun. This seems to be<br />

supported by the fact illustrated in the primeless examples in (13) that measure<br />

nouns exhibit different behavior with respect to pluralization in the two<br />

constructions: these examples show that N1 is marked for the plural when it agrees<br />

with the verb, but not when the verb agrees with N2, the substance noun melk ‘milk’.<br />

From this we must conclude that when the measure noun liter is not the syntactic<br />

head <strong>of</strong> the QC, it loses its ability to form a plural, which might be construed as an<br />

indication that it has lost its referential status <strong>of</strong> count noun.<br />

(13) a. Er staan/*staat twee liters melk in de koelkast.<br />

there st<strong>and</strong>/st<strong>and</strong>s two liters [<strong>of</strong>] milk in the fridge<br />

a′. ? Twee liters melk staan in de koelkast.<br />

b. Er staat/*staan twee liter melk in de koelkast.<br />

there st<strong>and</strong>s/st<strong>and</strong> two liter [<strong>of</strong>] milk in the fridge<br />

b′. *Twee liters melk staat in de koelkast.<br />

This is further supported by the fact that there is also a semantic difference between<br />

the examples. In (13a) we perceive the milk as two quantificational units <strong>of</strong> one liter<br />

each; henceforth, we will call this the PACKAGE UNIT READING, given that there is an<br />

implication that the milk was purchased in containers that each contain one liter <strong>of</strong><br />

milk. In (13b), on the other, we do not perceive the milk as being available in certain<br />

units: there may be a single container that contains two liters <strong>of</strong> milk or there may be<br />

more, as long as the total quantity is (about) two liters. The primed examples show

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