Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

Pre-determiners 997
adjectival one, which is, of course, not eligible for modification by allemaal; in
these examples, at least, allemaal must be construed as a floating quantifier.
(159) a. Wat je over mij vertelt, is allemaal erg raar.
what you about me tell is altogether very strange
b. Het/Dit is allemaal erg raar.
it is altogether very strange
7.1.5.2.3. The distribution of allemaal and allerlei contrasted
One last point to add in connection with the independent and floating uses of
allemaal is the fact that, in these uses, allemaal does not alternate with allerlei. All
of the grammatical examples given in Section 7.1.5.2.2 with allemaal become
unacceptable when allerlei replaces allemaal. In (160), we illustrate this with the
aid of a number of concrete examples.
(160) a. *Wat die mensen betreft, hij heeft aan allerlei een uitnodiging gestuurd.
what those people concerns he has to all-sorts an invitation sent
b. *Ik heb die boeken gisteren allerlei verkocht.
I have those books yesterday all-sorts sold
c. *Ik heb het gisteren allerlei gelezen.
I have it yesterday all-sorts read
In this regard, independent and floating allemaal differ from allemaal in bare plural
noun phrases, which can readily be replaced with allerlei, usually with preservation
of meaning: allemaal/allerlei boeken ‘all kinds of books’. See also example (125) in
Section 7.1.5.1, sub IIA.
7.2. The pre-determiner heel ‘all/whole’
This section is concerned with the forms and distribution of the modifier heel. This
modifier can be found in the two word-order patterns in (161). The modifier heel in
(161a) will be referred to as PRE-DETERMINER BARE HEEL since it is systematically
uninflected and linearly precedes the determiner. The use of pre-determiner bare
heel does not seem very common in everyday spoken Dutch; witness the fact that
the Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal mentions that, even at the time when the
lemma heel was written (1901-1912), the construction was found only in somewhat
elevated and poetic registers. The modifier heel in (161b) will be referred to as
POST-DETERMINER INFLECTIBLE HEEL, since it is inflected as an attributive adjective
(cf. 3.2.1), and always follows the determiner.
(161) a. heel de taart [pre-determiner bare heel]
all the cake
b. de hele taart [post-determiner inflectible heel]
the whole cake
The two cases in (161) differ in that, in present-day Dutch, only the post-determiner
heel alternates with the morphological alternant geheel. This is shown in (162); cf.
also Section 7.2.2.3. Furthermore, we will show later that post-determiner heel is
ambiguous, and may receive a purely adjectival or a quantificational interpretation.