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Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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744 Syntax <strong>of</strong> Dutch: nouns <strong>and</strong> noun phrases<br />

Cornips (1997) have claimed that this is due to the fact that the intended meaning<br />

can also be expressed by means <strong>of</strong> example (188b′).<br />

(188) a. Marie gaf Jani het kind in dei armen.<br />

Marie has Jan the child into the arms<br />

‘Marie gave the child into Jan’s arms.’<br />

b. *Jani kreeg het kind in dei armen gegeven.<br />

Jan got the child in the arms given<br />

b′. Jani kreeg het kind in dei armen.<br />

Jan got the child in the arms<br />

Perhaps one might argue that (188b′) is derived from (188b) by elision <strong>of</strong> the<br />

semantically light participle gegeven ‘given’; see the next subsection for more<br />

evidence for the semantic lightness <strong>of</strong> geven ‘to give’. If so, we may conclude that<br />

this example is fully compatible with the claim that inalienable possessive subjects<br />

are “underlying” indirect objects.<br />

The dynamic verb krijgen has a more static counterpart, hebben, which also<br />

allows inalienable possessive subjects; cf. (189). We may account for this by<br />

assuming that the subjects in these examples are also “indirect” underlyingly. If this<br />

suggestion is on the right track, this may lead to the conclusion that, alongside the<br />

more familiar °unaccusative verbs, there is a set <strong>of</strong> “undative” verbs that take a goal<br />

argument, but which are not able to assign dative case as a result <strong>of</strong> which the goal<br />

argument must be realized as a nominative subject. An argument in favor <strong>of</strong> this<br />

analysis is that verbs like hebben <strong>and</strong> krijgen cannot be passivized: this might be<br />

due to the fact that they do not have an agentive argument.<br />

(189) a. Jani heeft het kind in dei armen.<br />

Jan got the child in the arms<br />

b. Hiji had een hoed op zijni/ ? heti ho<strong>of</strong>d.<br />

he had a hat on his/the head<br />

c. Hiji had geen sokken aan zijni/ ? dei voeten.<br />

he had no socks on his/the feet<br />

If this analysis <strong>of</strong> the examples with krijgen <strong>and</strong> hebben is on the right track, we<br />

may expect there to be more undative verbs: good c<strong>and</strong>idates are the verbs nemen<br />

‘to take’ <strong>and</strong> houden ‘to keep’; these verbs also seem to take subjects with a kind <strong>of</strong><br />

goal role, show an aspectual difference like krijgen <strong>and</strong> hebben, <strong>and</strong> resist<br />

passivization.<br />

(190) a. Jan neemt de boeken. a′. *De boeken worden genomen.<br />

Jan takes the books the books are taken<br />

b. Jan houdt de boeken. b′. *De boeken worden gehouden.<br />

Jan keeps the books the books are kept<br />

Furthermore, the examples in (191) show that the subjects <strong>of</strong> these verbs may<br />

indeed function as inalienable possessors. However, there is a little snag: it seems<br />

that the passive counterparts <strong>of</strong> these examples are better than those in (190), which<br />

is also clear from the fact that they can readily be found on the internet. This means<br />

that we can only maintain our claim if we assume that the verb nemen with a PP-

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