Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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Pre-determiners 1033 II. Restrictions on accompanying determiners and quantificational elements This section investigates the restrictions that heel poses on the presence of determiners and quantificational elements. The internal syntax of noun phrases is not affected by the presence of post-determiner inflectible heel: whereas Section 7.2.2.1, sub II, found that the extent to which noun phrases are fit to be quantified by pre-determiner bare heel is in part determined by the presence or absence of attributive modifiers of the head noun, there are no such interrelations between inflectible heel and attributive adjectives. Post-determiner heel readily combines with noun phrases containing attributively used adjectives. (258) a. die boze/prachtige wereld that whole angry/beautiful world b. de lekkere taart the whole nice cake Example (258a) illustrates that heel surfaces to the left of the attributive adjective on its quantificational interpretations (totality, degree or negative polarity). On its purely adjectival reading in (258b), on the other hand, heel can be placed on either side of attributive adjectives, the choice depending on contextualization; see Section A5.5.3 for the relative ordering of stacked adjectives. Note in passing that in (258b) hele can also be interpreted as an °intensifier of the adjective lekkere when it precedes it. A. Determiners Table 14 has shown that the distribution of post-determiner quantificational heel is tightly connected to the nature of the definite determiner that heads the noun phrase in which heel occurs. Here, we repeat the main findings. First, the determiners of the singular noun phrases in Table 14 deliver a totality reading of heel. Second, the determiners of the plural noun phrases obstruct a totality reading of heel, and, as a result, plural examples like de hele steden are not well-formed. Finally, the distal demonstrative die ‘that/those’ can give rise to a negative polarity interpretation of post-determiner heel, which accounts for the fact that the plural noun phrase die hele steden is more or less well-formed. The distal and proximate demonstratives can receive contrastive accent in the presence of post-determiner heel, as illustrated by (259). Backward °Conjunction Reduction and NP-ellipsis are possible in these examples, but only when hele is stripped along with the rest of the noun phrase; leaving hele behind in these examples is very marginal in the RNR cases and quite impossible in the NP-ellipsis ones. In this regard, post-determiner hele behaves like beide, as discussed in Section 7.1.2.2.1, sub II. (259) a. Ik ken wel DEze hele stad, maar niet DIE hele stad. a′. Ik ken wel DEze ( ?? hele) ∅, maar niet DIE hele stad. [RNR] a′′. Ik ken wel DEze hele stad, maar niet DIE (*hele) ∅. [NP-ellipsis] I know AFF this whole town but not that whole town
1034 Syntax of Dutch: nouns and noun phrases b. Ik ken wel DIT hele huis, maar niet DAT hele huis. b′. Ik ken wel DIT ( ?? hele) ∅, maar niet DAT hele huis. [RNR] b′′. Ik ken wel DIT hele huis, maar niet DAT (*hele) ∅. [NP-ellipsis] I know AFF this whole house but not that whole house In singular noun phrases, post-determiner inflectible heel readily follows possessives of all kinds, pronominal, genitive and semi-genitival possessives alike. In all examples in (260), heel has the quantificational semantics of totality; no degree or negative polarity readings are available for heel embedded in possessed noun phrases. (260) a. mijn hele vermogen/bezit my whole fortune/estate b. mijn vaders hele vermogen/bezit my father’s whole fortune/estate c. mijn vader z’n hele vermogen/bezit my father his whole fortune/estate Table 17 shows that post-determiner heel may also occur in indefinite singular noun phrases, provided that a determiner is present: the ungrammaticality of the determiner-less examples indicates that, unlike quantifiers like elk ‘every’ or ieder ‘each’ (cf. Section 6.2), heel cannot perform the role of a determiner or determinersubstitute of singular noun phrases. Table 17 also shows that heel inflects with schwa depending on the gender of the head noun, just like attributive adjectives in noun phrases with the singular, indefinite article een (cf. Section 3.2.1); neuter head nouns feature heel, non-neuter ones hele. Table 17: Post-determiner [+Q] heel in noun phrases headed by indefinite count nouns INDEFINITE ARTICLE EEN INDEFINITE ARTICLE ∅ COUNT NOUNS NON-COUNT NOUNS [-NEUTER] [+NEUTER] [-NEUTER] [+NEUTER] een hele stad a whole town *∅ hele stad ∅ whole town een heel huis a whole house *∅ heel huis ∅ whole house een hele ellende a whole misery *∅ hele ellende ∅ whole misery een heel verdriet a whole sorrow *∅ heel verdriet ∅ whole sorrow Although the non-count and count nouns examples are syntactically similar, they are semantically distinct. With the count nouns, post-determiner heel contributes a totality interpretation whereas with the non-count nouns heel receives a degree reading; an example like een hele ellende is best rendered as quite a misery. Finally, note that post-determiner heel is excluded in plural noun phrases containing exclamatives of the type een (*hele) boeken dat hij heeft! B. Indefinite determiner-like elements The examples in (261a&b) show that post-determiner heel can follow not only the indefinite article een but also indefinite determiners like zo’n ‘such a’ in (261), where heel receives a totality interpretation. Note that (261c) is ungrammatical; hele apparently cannot express a “quite” degree when it is preceded by zo’n.
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Comprehensive Grammar Resources Hen
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Comprehensive Grammar Resources Edi
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The publication of this book is mad
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Chapter 5 Determiners: articles and
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Abbreviations used in the glosses o
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574 Syntax of Dutch: nouns and noun
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Chapter 5 Determiners: articles and
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Determiners: articles and pronouns
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c. Ik heb de man het boek aangebode
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(12) a. Kan je me de nieuwe klachte
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. Paard rijden mag Jan morgen. hors
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(125) a. Het schip verging met man
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. Democraten ′66 heeft/ ?? hebben
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(134) Ik ga vanavond naar I go toni
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c. Ik gaf Jan een harde schop onder
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(153) • Exclamative wat een N! a.
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(173) a. Jan heeft ( $ de) twee moe
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(204) a. Ik heb er [geen/drie [e]]
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(252) a. dat ik geen/ ? niet piano
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(271) a. Na nog geen tien minuten b
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c. Zij/ze is naar school. she is to
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(325) a. Op wie wacht je? for who w
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(358) a. Jan is iemand van mijn sch
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(365) The antecedent of relative pe
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(374) • Plural antecedent of a re
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(392) a. Kees zag [SC Peter op zich
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c. haar/MariesAgent foto her/Marie
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Table 12: Non-interrogative demonst
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5.2.3.1.2. Demonstratives as argume
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5.2.3.2.1. Idiomatic case-inflected
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(514) a. Die Wim toch! Minister-pre
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Chapter 6 Numerals and quantifiers
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Numerals and quantifiers 871 comple
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Numerals and quantifiers 873 (7) a.
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Numerals and quantifiers 875 c. é
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(18) Twee van de studenten werden g
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(24) a. Er ligt/*liggen nog drie me
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Numerals and quantifiers 881 refers
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Numerals and quantifiers 883 demons
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Numerals and quantifiers 885 Normal
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Numerals and quantifiers 887 Exampl
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Numerals and quantifiers 889 (58) a
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(64) The ordinal numerals 1 st to 1
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(71) a. de [N eerste ministers] van
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6.2. Quantifiers Numerals and quant
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Numerals and quantifiers 897 The ex
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Numerals and quantifiers 899 IV. Us
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Numerals and quantifiers 901 also c
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c. *Elke/Iedere dodo is uitgestorve
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(104) a. Iedereen ging naar de verg
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Numerals and quantifiers 907 6.2.3.
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Numerals and quantifiers 909 pronou
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c. Hij is een enig kind. he is a cu
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Numerals and quantifiers 913 Despit
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Numerals and quantifiers 915 the fa
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. Er werden wat boeken verkocht. th
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Numerals and quantifiers 919 like v
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Numerals and quantifiers 923 The ex
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Numerals and quantifiers 925 The (a
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(170) a. Bijna al de boeken zijn ve
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(178) a. Er zijn hier ruim/net vold
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Numerals and quantifiers 931 everyd
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Numerals and quantifiers 933 This s
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(205) a. Jan heeft eri [één [ pro
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Numerals and quantifiers 939 Second
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Syntactic uses of noun phrases 1083
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1116 Syntax of Dutch: nouns and nou
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References Aarts, Bas. 1994. The sy
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References 1153 eds. Hans Broekhuis
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References 1155 De Jong, Francisca
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References 1157 Haeseryn, Walter, K
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References 1159 Longobardi, Giusepp
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References 1161 Schultink, H. 1978.
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References 1163 Zwarts, Frans. 1981
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Comprehensive Grammar Resources - t
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