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Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

Nouns and Noun Phrases - University of Macau Library

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1016 Syntax <strong>of</strong> Dutch: nouns <strong>and</strong> noun phrases<br />

(213) a. % Ik denk niet dat het hele mens Peter ooit gezien heeft.<br />

I think not that the whole person Peter ever seen has<br />

‘I do not think that the person/woman has ever seen Peter.’<br />

b. % Ik denk niet dat het hele mens ook maar iem<strong>and</strong> gezien heeft.<br />

I think not that the whole person OOK MAAR someone seen has<br />

‘I do not think that the person/woman has seen anybody.’<br />

The contrast between example (213b) above <strong>and</strong> (214a) below shows that the<br />

phrase het hele mens must c-comm<strong>and</strong> the negative polarity item that licenses it.<br />

Example (214b) shows something similar for a negative polar heel phrase that<br />

functions as a direct object. In the latter case, this c-comm<strong>and</strong> restriction may <strong>of</strong><br />

course follow from the D-linking requirement, which forces scrambling, but this<br />

requirement has nothing to say about the contrast between (213b) <strong>and</strong> (214a); cf.<br />

Section 7.2.1.2.2, sub III. We refer the reader to Den Dikken (2002) <strong>and</strong> Hoeksema<br />

(2007) for a more detailed discussion <strong>and</strong> alternative approaches to this c-comm<strong>and</strong><br />

restriction.<br />

(214) a. *Ik denk niet dat ook maar iem<strong>and</strong> het hele mens gezien heeft.<br />

I think not that OOK MAAR someone the whole person seen has<br />

‘I do not think that anybody has seen the person/woman.’<br />

b. Ik denk niet dat ik < % het hele mens> ooit gezien heb.<br />

I think not that I the whole person ever seen has<br />

A final difference between the licensing restrictions on ordinary negative<br />

polarity items <strong>and</strong> negative polar heel is that the latter can be licensed by implicitly<br />

negative verbs like vergeten ‘to forget/to not know anymore’, whereas the former<br />

cannot (although there are more negative polarity items that resemble heel in this<br />

respect; cf. Klooster 1993).<br />

(215) a. *Ik was ook maar iem<strong>and</strong> vergeten.<br />

I was OOK MAAR someone forgotten<br />

b. Ik was die hele Bert Mulder allang weer vergeten.<br />

I was that whole Bert Mulder already.long again forgotten<br />

‘I had long forgotten about this Bert Mulder.’<br />

Note that the relevance <strong>of</strong> implicit negation for licensing can also be seen by<br />

comparing the examples in (216): while the verb passeren ‘to pass’ plausibly<br />

features implicit negation in its lexical semantics (“to not be behind anymore”), this<br />

is certainly not the case with the verbs in (216b).<br />

(216) a. Ik was die hele Bert Mulder allang gepasseerd/voorbijgereden.<br />

I was that whole Bert Mulder already.long passed/driven.past<br />

‘I had long passed this Bert Mulder.’<br />

b. *Ik had die hele Bert Mulder allang gezien/ontmoet/begroet.<br />

I had that whole Bert Mulder already.long seen/met/greeted<br />

Now that we have discussed the differences between run-<strong>of</strong>-the-mill negative<br />

polarity items like ook maar iem<strong>and</strong> ‘anybody’ <strong>and</strong> negative polar heel phrases, we<br />

can discuss the syntactic functions the latter can perform. In (207a&b), negative polar

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